FREEDOM VERSUS CASTE
Fact Finding Report
On the Arrest of Vikas Khandekar and aftermath in Mungeli
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Introduction
In the first week of October 2016, mainstream media in Chhattisgarh poured reports of an incident referring to the arising tension between the Satnamis and other dominant sections in Mungeli town of the same district. The said tension arose after a facebook comment on goddess ‘Durga’ posted by Vikas Khandekar. Khandekar has been known as a Satnami leader in this area for nearly two decades who has challenged the upper caste domination over the Dalits. The members of Sarva Samaj and Hindu outfits gathered the people on streets and blocked the road, burnt tyres, raised slogans and pelted stones in the main market and the shops were shut down. Police impose section 144 of CrPC. Soon Khandekar was arrested.
This led to an agitated state of Satnamis in Mungeli and across the state against the violation of ‘freedom of expression’ upheld by the Constitution. It is in this context People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Chhattisgarh took the initiative to bring together people from different human rights and Dalit movements to conduct a fact-finding investigation (FFT).
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1 .Dr. Lakhan Singh-President, PUCL, Chhattisgarh
2 .Adv. Sudha Bharadwaj-General Secretary, PUCL, Chhattisgarh
3 .Digree Prasad Chouhan-Executive Committee Member, PUCL, Chhattisgarh
4 .Rinchin-Executive Committee Member, PUCL, Chhattisgarh
5 Vibhishan Patre-Dalit Adhikar Abhiyan, Chhattisgarh
6 .Vijay Raj Boudh-Convenor, National Dalit Youth Front, Chhattisgarh
7 Guddu Lahre-General Secretary, Dalit Mukti Morcha, Chhattisgarh
8 Sanjeev Khande-Vice President, Satnam Mahasangh, Chhattisgarh
9 . Dr. Goldy M. George-Founder, Dalit Mukti Morcha, Chhattisgarh
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* About Mungeli
Mungeli is one of the latest districts in the state of Chhattisgarh carved out of the erstwhile Bilaspur district on January 1, 2012. The district headquarter is a municipality in Mungeli district of Chhattisgarh, which was carved out In that sense Mungeli is a very new district and town. Although this young town is nowhere as developed as its counterpart cities like Raipur and Bilaspur, it has some of the basic facilities like hospitals, schools and colleges. The economy of the district is predominantly based on agriculture and allied resources.
* The visit of the team
The fact-finding took place on October 23-24, 2016. Three of the team members met Vikas Khadekar at Bilaspur central jail, while others joined the investigation at Mungeli. In Mungeli the team first came across the disappointing news that Vikas Khandekar’s bail application was not pressed in the court on October 23. Khandekar’s family had changed the counsel in the court which was the reason that the lawyer left the court with a note on the bail application reading ‘not pressed’.
Media reports on the incident also indicated that the Bar Association of Mungeli passed a resolution, which prohibited the local lawyers to be the counsel for Khandekar. Anyone who dares to break it, would be suspended as per the reports. The team met with the officials of the bar association to get a clarification of their position. The team met with the Deputy Collector and Assistant Superintendent of Police in their respective offices and later met with the family members at the residence. The team had an informal chat with the police personnel deployed at the residence of Vikas Khandekar and visited the ‘jaisthambh’ that was also under the attack.
The next day three of the fact finding members joined the meeting called by Satnam Sena in Bilaspur in connection with the arrest of Khandekar as well as other similar cases of caste based atrocities on Satnami community.
* Khandekar’s Post, his Arrest and Aftermaths
On October 3, 2016, Vikas Khandekar posted in a Facebook group about goddess Durga, with objectionable contents. Many people in the Mungeli itself, who had known Khandekar as a Satnami leader, spotted this post. Khandekar had been known as a Satnami leader in the area, under the banner of Satnam Mahasabha. Khandekar’s post went viral like a wildfire and soon the non-Satnami sections came out on the street against it. The next day on October 4, a large mob came out into the open along with a few Satnamis and some people belonging to other Dalits communities were also part of this mob against Khandekar.
The mob marched in multiple directions targeting the house of Khandekar and also towards the police station to take immediate action against him. As a fact, the team found that the post had created a stir among the majority section of Hindus in Mungeli that could legally account to causing injury to the religious and cultural sentiments of the Hindu section. The post in question was not the only reason of his arrest. Many other cases were also invoked and clubbed together in this process.
On October 5, morning Khandekar’s home was attacked by the mob. Family members inside the house remained in utter fear and terror as the unmanned crowd stormed into the house, attacked them physically, verbally abuse his wife and children, stoned the house and caused damage to the property. The barged mob went on swearing the entire Satnami community, Guru Ghasidas Baba and also attacked the ‘jaithkham’ in front of Khandekar’s house. The family members begged to leave them, kept on calling for help and support as well as informed the police but there was hardly any support from the police and administration as the mob went atrocious. Nor did any community member come forward to their rescue. Much later the police responded by sending a few constables as part of the so-called ‘rescue operations’. The situation was much tense when the team visited Mungeli.
In the meantime the Bar Association in Mungeli, came up with a resolution that no lawyers should take up the case of Khandekar, else be prepared to face serious consequence like suspension. Thus none of the lawyers including Satnamis could come forward to take the case of Khandekar. Family members hired lawyers from Bilaspur which also had certain unprecedented ending. Later fresh lawyers were hired to carry forward the proceedings.
Meeting Vikas Khandekar in Jail
On October 23, morning three of the team members Digree Prasad Chouhan, Rinchin and Vibhishan Patre met Vikas Khandekar in Bilaspur Central jail. He informed the three about the way he was arrested and what he underwent after the arrest. After arresting him, the police treated him like a hardcore criminal. His counsel was not allowed to meet him initially. The police personnel send his half naked photos to many people via whatsapp. However he was hopeful of battling his way out of the jail. It turned out to be an embarrassing act as much as a leader of a Dalit community is concerned. The multiple cases registered against Khandekar is being fought in the court today through legal means.
An unexpected shocker in Mungeli
As none of the local lawyers had shown any interest in fighting the case of Khandekar, the family arranged for another counsel from Bilaspur. The counsel has been practising in the High Court of Chhattisgarh, who was supposed to file the bail application in the lower court. The lawyer along with the assistants was dealing with the cases had initially filed bail application. However, some problems arose between the lawyer and the family members. Unhappy with the lawyer’s progress in the matter, Khandekar’s family decided to withdraw the lawyer and appoint another set of counsels. The family members are legitimately entitled to change the counsels with the consent and advise of the accused, lest all the due are cleared and they obtain a ‘no objection certificate’ from the existing counsel.
October 23 was also the date on which the bail application was to be heard by the court. In the absence of the first set of lawyers, alternative arrangement of counsels were made and the new set were all prepared to stand in the court to argue the case for Khandekar. Regretfully, it could not be heard. The reason was that the first lawyer who filed the bail application, withdrew the application with a note ‘not pressed’. Technically it refers to the fact that the application stands withdrawn. It is to be noted that this goes against the professional ethics of a counsel.
Discussion the office bearers of the Bar Association Mungeli
Since media reported informed of a ban imposed by the Bar Association of Mungeli on local lawyers from taking up the cases of Khandekar, the team members felt the need to meet the office bearers of the Association. In the meeting there were some 10-12 members. During the interaction the FFT members asked for the reasons of such a ban of local lawyers by the Bar Association. The president of the Association denied of any such resolution and dismissed it as a media gimmicks. He reaffirmed his position with the support of a few Satnami lawyers who were also part of the discussion. The members of the team raised if the Bar Association issued a statement condemning it as a media gimmicks, to which the response was that why should we fall into that trap. The members of the Bar Associations unanimously declared that it is not their job to respond to everything that goes around in their name. Though the discussion was very cordial, it was not very convincing to the team members that they should not issues a condemning statement against what they claimed it to be a media gimmicks.
In the District Collectorate
The FFT was at the district collectorate to meet the District Collector Ms. Kiran Kaushal in order to get the actual assessment of the actions taken by the administration on the complaints registered by Vandana, wife of Vikas Khandekar. The team was told in the office that the Collector is not at the station as she had gone for a meeting in Korba. The team went on the meet the Deputy Collector G. S. Kusram who had almost zero information of the action taken by the authorities. The only answer he consistently gave back and forth was ‘madam jab aayegi, vahi iske bare me bata paayegi’ (only when madam [Collector] comes, she could tell you about that. Later the team gave an application addressing the district collector with a request to take immediate action on the complaint filed by Vandana Khandekar.
Version of the investigation Officer
The team went on the meet the Superintendent of Police (SP), however Ms. Neetu Kamal the SP was not at the station too. Thus we decided to meet the Assistant SP Ms. Singh, who eventually happened to be the investigation officer. The ASP informed that the complaint by Vandana Khandekar is under investigation. She got irritated when the team members raised the question that why this investigation has not moved ahead when the woman victim herself is the witness to the entire attack. She turned more aggravated when one of the members raised a question that why till date the First Information Record (FIR) has not been filed against the attackers of October 5. She repeated ‘jaanch ho rahi he’ (investigation is on). Another question pumped in was why the Sub-Divisional Officer-Police (SDO-P) was involved, who went on to organise the people and let them to attack Khandekar’s house and the ‘jaithkham’ as if it was a well managed stage show by the police department, she turned red with anger. She replied, ‘this is your version of the story, it has not surfaced in our investigation till now.’
Discussion with the family members
The FFT met the family along with the extended family members at the residence of Khandekar in Daupara of Mungeli. The post of Khandekar went viral on Facebook and Whatsapp. Upper caste section of Hindus in Mungeli took it very offensive and filed a complaint with the Kotwali police station, which was converted into an FIR by the police. On October 4, 2016 around 4 pm, the police took Vikas Khandekar into custody on the alleged complaint of defiling Hindu deity.
The same section had a meeting with the police and administration after the arrest of Khandekar. The police announced to the media that a peace committee has been constituted and everything is under control. The law and order problem that arose has been subsided and there is no such problem at the moment in existence. However the picture was not as the police did bring it before the media. Secret meeting was held that night and in the meeting they decided to go all out against the Satnamis. Interestingly, the meeting had the protection of the SDO-P Om Prakash Chandel.
The next day morning (i.e. October 5, 2016) around 8 am they all assembled to march to the house of Khandekar. At that time there were only three persons in his home – his wife Vandana Khandekar and two small (minor) children. Vandana informed the team that this mob was told that there are a few Satnamis also assembling at the Satnam Bhawan close to the house of Khandekar. Hence they took a different route to reach their home. The SDO-P Chandel, who left no stones to instigate the crowd, led the crowd by a different route. One of the family members opined that it was the SDO-P who actually aggravated the situation. As a police officer he could have calmed the aggression and brought things under control, rather he added oil to the fire by provoking the right wing crowd and led them to Khandekar’s house with police protection.
According to Vandana Khandekar, around 9 am, a crowd numbering nearly 250-300 barged into the house of the Khandekars and shot filthy abuses on her. They stoned the house, damaged property and consistently used caste based swear words against the Satnamis. In her complaint to the Inspector General (IG) Bilaspur, Vandana refers to the attempt by the mob to burn her. In her complaint to the SP, she listed out of derogatory abuses poured on her and Satnamis by the uncontrollable mob. She also came up with a list of those whom she had known among the attackers. The attacking mob also stoned the ‘jaithkham’ and threw shoes and footwear at the holy place. These have been reported by some news media as well. Jaithkham represents the authority of the guru and marked the tightness of Satnamis as a group. It is one of the most highly regarded symbols of the Satnam sect that has endured over the years and can be found in every Satnami village across Chhattisgarh. Historically, the jaithkham used to be a tall bamboo stick on top of which a white triangular flag was hoisted. However in current time it is a tall concrete structure in all Satnami villages. This for multiple reasons caused injury to the Satnami community since the very act defiled the holy place of worship. However, no actual action has been taken when the investigation team went for investigation.
Followed by this incident, the Satnami community in and around Mungeli anticipated another round of attack, due to which a good number of Satnamis were also prepared to face the situation. Nearly 150-200 of them camped in the Satnam bhawan close to Khandekar’s house for nearly a week. The police threatened the Satnamis in many different ways. They used all the Satnami policemen to pass on message that the Satnamis should remain quiet else, something much different could happen. Vandana told the team that even the younger brother of Vikas, who is a policeman in Mungeli , remained helpless.
For nearly two week the whole of Daupara remained as a cordoned zone with police personnel camping in the Satnam bhawan. While the team visited the residence of Khandekar, we observed that nearly 50 policemen were camping in the Satnam bhawan. Outside the house of Khandekar there were some 5-6 policemen guarding the house. ‘Few of them are also on the first floor of the house, who were camping to conduct the night duty,’ explained one of the police guards.
Meeting at Mahant Bada, Bilaspur
On October 24, the Satnam Sena (SS) called a meeting at Mahant Bada in Bilaspur. This was an all-exclusive meeting of members from Satnami community, where even members from other Dalit communities were not allowed. However, on a special request three members of the fact-finding committee were allowed in who also took part in it. The purpose was to know more about the assessment as well as the future course of plan. The meeting was called to discuss the escalation of atrocities on the Satnamis, particularly in the context of the arrest of Khandekar followed by a series of incidences in Mungeli. Guru Baldas, who is also the National President of the SS, chaired the meeting. The meeting was not for all laypersons. It was particularly meant for the key leaders of the different units of SS. In the past, SS has sided with the right wing political organisation Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) in the elections, particularly Guru Baldas. He actively campaigned for the BJP. Thus it became strategically important for us to know how Baldas and SS could take on same BJP government that it sided in the last two assembly elections.
Interestingly, except two or three of those who assembled, everyone raised critical question with the guru on how is he going to take it on. They raised question on his role in the past with the BJP government. They raised questions like why is that the guru and Satnami community is unable to ask questions with the government. Much of the heated arguments surrounded around the disabled state of Satnamis in raising their voice against caste based atrocities, injustices and violence on settlements. After lots of criticism, the guru agreed to take on the issue with the government. The Sena members also resolved to form a Sangarsh Samiti against all forms of atrocities unleashed against the Satnamis. One of the members of the fact-finding mission, Guddu Lahre, was also nominated the 21-member Sangarsh Samiti.
The Undercurrents from the Past
At the outward appearance of the entire series of incidences, one could figure out that this particular case has not happened in isolation. It certainly has to do a lot with the previous history of caste domination and anti-caste struggles in this area. Mungeli has a long history of Satmani movement. It is one of the bastions of both the followers and challengers of the guru parampara. Unlike many other non-Brahminical sects, Satnamis follow the guru tradition. Mungeli as such has been a major centre of discussions and debates of both following and criticising this particular tradition for historical reasons. Over the course of time, thus, it has emerged as a centre of attraction for both Satnami and non-Satnami intellectuals for similar propositions.
According to the information gathered from different sources including the family members, the upper and dominant caste sections, particularly those who have been associated with right wing organisations like Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal and Hindu Raksha Samiti were the ones who spread the post of Khandekar and made it viral. For a long time this section of people have been breeding and nurturing strong sense of hatred, enmity and opposition towards the Satnamis in Mungeli. They have received the protection from the administrations too for carrying out such activities. Whenever and wherever they got an opportunity, they would oppose whatever the Satnamis did.
Historically the dominant castes in and around Mungeli (and for that reason the entire Chhattisgarh), practiced ‘distancing’ from the Satnamis to avoid ‘pollution’, which is a cause for smouldering resentment. This constituted mostly backward classes along with some Brahmin and Kshatriya families. However the Kshatriyas with the scriptural legitimisation of the Brahmins mostly played the lead role in the anti-Satnami operations. Over the course of period many other sections of dominant castes such as the Marwadi (Baniyas), other Brahmins and Kshatriyas clans have joined the existing ones. Thus the swelling up of the caste domination had undergone a strategic, quantitative and qualitative enhancement.
In Mungeli the Satnamis have been historically militant. They acquired additional land and assert through the Satnam movement. They have their own functionaries and pilgrimage sites. This movement established the ideology of anti as well as counter Brahminism. The forward march to certain extend also established that they are independent (swatantra) from other, including the ones’ hailing from the ex-untouchable strata. Education became the key means and methods to enter the mainstream spaces of employment, jobs, and other public domains. This new sense and social space of Satnami self-assertion of self-sufficiency turned out to be an important idiom of separation from other castes. Alongwith this, the consistent efforts to resist caste oppression – which was never new to the Satnamis – led to the emergence of a different socio-cultural and political identity of the Dalit movement itself. This provoked the upper castes not only by being militant and accruing land but also by occupying key and strategic spaces in public domains.
When Guru Ghasidas died, his son Balakdas took over leadership of the Satnamis. The succession to the ‘throne’ (gaddi) and under the tutelage of Balakdas, personification of the guru was like that of a kingly person (raja- aadmi). He amassed wealth and took the position of the guru to unprecedented heights by building himself a castle and riding around on an elephant. His birth anniversary is celebrated in Mungeli area as sourya diwas – meaning the victory of self-respect of Satnamis. Vikas Khandekar, being the leader of the Satnami community in Mungeli, led the celebration. In order to show the power of Satnamis, it is said that he air fired from his personal licensed gun. This strong assertion and affirmation of Satnami power, counter to that of the socially wielded power of caste, comes with the tradition and history of Satnam movement in the region.
In recent years, there had been many struggles related to the Satnami’s cultural spiritualism. One of these in recent times had been the Bodsara land struggle. It has been a key struggle in recent times that irked the upper caste sections against the Satnamis. According to the Satnami tradition, the second guru Guru Balakdas when ascended to throne asked the Satnamis to fight against caste system and all forms of injustices. With this purpose he established many wrestling training schools, called akhara, where Satnamis were trained in self-defensive martial arts. One such akhara was located in Bodsara of Bilaspur district where an ‘upper-caste’ priest (pundit) was hired to guard the premises. After the death of Balakdas, the priest’s family illegally took ownership of the property.
In 2007, one of the present gurus, Guru Baldas (a descendent of Balakdas) claimed the property and demanded it to be returned to the Satnamis. This fight to claim the ownership of the property is one of the recent instances in which a larger number of Satnamis from Mungeli, Takhatpur, and Pamgarh took the leadership role. Vikas Khandekar was one of the leaders of this movement, who mobilised thousands of people for this movement. The fight to claim ownership of this property turned out to be a prestige issue of the community as it was an important cultural symbol of the ancestors, rather than just a piece of land.
The plot of one-acre land upon was under the possession of a Brahmin family by the name of Bajpayee. They had constructed a house over it. Satnamis in Bodsara claimed that it historically belonged to the community. The house has been constructed on the akhara where in the centre there is a jaithkham. For all reasons akhara is an important institution of the Satnami revolution. The house is located on the site where a jaithkham stands. In the same village, Guru Baldas owns a house. Violence broke out when the Satnamis marched to claim the land under the banner of Bodsara Gurudwara Mukti Andolan Samiti, which was opposed by the Bajpayees with the support of the Brahmin community organisation in Bilaspur. It ended up in a violent clash. In the aftermath of the violence that erupted in Bodsara in 2007, he was arrested on the charges of inciting Satnamis in Bodsara to attack the Brahmin family that occupied the space. Baldas remained in jail for four months.
The family who was the legal occupant filed a petition to the High Court against Satnamis defending their right to what they claimed was their ancestral property. The High Court had ordered the property to be locked, and police officers had been posted there to keep it secure. In the aftermath of incidents related to the same dispute in April 2008, 60 persons were arrested and the police to contain the violence imposed Section 144. Many organisations like Dalit Mukti Morcha reported the kind of police brutality in relation to caste-related atrocities in Bodsara and the aftermath movement by different sections.
Since the Bodsara land rights movement days, Vikas has been in the forefront of gaining the land back for the Satnamis. For the past few years he has been one of the persons who have been trying to conduct an annual pooja (worship) at the place on a regular basis. This year too he was one of the five members nominated by the Satnami samaj to conduct the pooja. It was the administration that asked the Satnamis to nominate five persons, whereas the Satnamis demanded to allow them conduct a pooja once a year. Despite the promises from the police and administration (as well as the protection from the police), the five persons were not allowed to go inside the said location of the land to conduct the pooja. Contrary to this the police forcefully made the five community representatives to conduct the pooja outside under the aegis of maintaining law and order. Khandekar along with others strongly opposed this move of the police and administration. He went all out against not allowing the Satnamis to conduct the pooja under the patronage of the police and administration.
Observations
Dalits in Chhattisgarh are the ones faced with the worst of all forms of social stratification. There is no doubt that the social system of the State as a nation is based on caste. It is an open truth that Dalits, one of the most oppressed and repressed strata anywhere in the history of world, are still reeling under the nefarious chains of casteism. On the other end in states like Chhattisgarh the corporate sector is already in a big way for mega investment and thereby uprooting the children of the soil.
During the investigation, the team observed that there are clear instances of a strong sense of untouchability, discrimination and humiliation against Satnamis in Mungeli. Caste based hostility and antagonism rove in the entire zone. All the incidences of the past are based on this hostility and antagonism. This includes not only the upper caste section, but also the backward classes who have emerged as a dominant caste. In continuation to this, the police and administration also behaves in an inimical pattern in accordance to the social fabric.
Mungeli has a large section of educated, economically well off and employed Satnamis. Nevertheless, in the social hierarchy they are considered as untouchable rubbish in the society. In accordance with the caste ladder, they remain at the bottom of the caste hierarchy and face everyday forms of caste oppression.
The team also observed that inspite of all the support from Satnami community, Dalit organisations and other civil liberties organisations, the family is still in fear. Numerous uncertainties still flung in their minds. One could also see a pattern of these. For instance Vandana his wife is not able to come out openly since she is a government employee. Similarly Vikas’s sister Anjana has her limitation of being a government employee. Thus the efforts from the family side mostly rely on the extended family.
It was also observed that in the past the atrocities against Dalits were mostly not registered or even when the cases were registered it wasn’t dealt properly to reach any logical conclusion. Instead the caste based officers indulged in those cases forced compromises without addressing the fundamental questions effectively.
Vikas Khandekar was referred by many as a Sher (lion). This refers to the daringness and fearless leadership of Khandekar provided in and around Mungeli area. He emerged as a leader against all forms of caste domination, hierarchies and power. Thus it seems to be an essential prerequisite for the dominant caste section to contain with the Dalit counter-power under some pretext or other.
Thus this effort at large is to criminalise Vikas and through him the Satmani community. His post on the Facebook was only a means, however the end seems crystal clear which is directed in a different dimension. That is the reason why multiple cases registered at different time phase were invoked all at one time. The sections slapped on Khandekar clearly indicate the fact that they want to teach him a lesson. Thus in the criminalisation politics against the Dalits it is not only the strategic weapon applied by the dominant caste sections but the administration and police are also party to the same.
The complaint by Vandana Khandekar is yet to be converted into an FIR. In her compliant to the SP and IG, she had listed out the name of the people who had come to attack the house as well as the jaithkham. She had come up with a series of violent incidences, which could have taken seriously by the police and taken immediate action. Not taking any thoughtful account of her compliant has serious implications in socio-political and legal terms. It is also a means to demoralise the community to the maximum possible extends. In a way or other, it gives a message that the police and administration is not going to entertain the complaints by Dalits in Mungeli. Certainly the administration and police were active players of the vicious conspiracy and ploy.
The role of SDO-P Chandel in instigating and organising the dominant sections needs a special note. As a responsible officer his responsibility was to block the mob, dissolve the anger of the mob, provide protection to the family, take all necessary precaution and had informed his higher authorities for more deployment of force. Had he done and his higher authorities desisted from any sort of action, then the pointer is on the higher authorities. Despite the fact that the police and administration had known it, there had been no action of any sort against him. Rather he has been given a free hand to continue what he has been doing.
A similar case of disrespecting the religious sentiments of the Satnamis had surfaced in Torwa police station area in Bilaspur where one Dr. Abhiram Sharma had purposely painted a sketch of Guru Ghasidas on the boundary wall of his farmhouse. The reason was that people from the nearby basti used to defecate near the boundary and in order to prevent them from this he applied this method. The Satnami community in and around came out openly against this act of Sharma. He was also booked under the same section of IPC 295, which was also slapped on Khandekar. Sharma was arrested and later released on bail. However the Mungeli court, where the case was on similar lines, rejected Khandekar’s bail application.
The Dalit officers in the administration sounded helpless while the upper caste officials appeared determined to go all out against Khandekar in this round. It is as if they were looking for a particular prey and the prey had fallen into their mouth by default.
Despite the denial and dismissal of imposing any ban by the members of the Bar Association of Mungeli, various circumstances that surrounds the case of Khandekar leads to the logical understanding that there had been a standpoint where the Association had restricted the lawyers to stand in Khandekar’s case. The very fact that they have not issued a counter statement condemning the media reports signals to this fact. Further the unwillingness of the members to engage with the case indicates the reticent ban on the lawyers.
We also have information that those who are the helm of the office at the Bar Association have strong connection with the right wing Hindu organisations like RSS, VHP and BJP. One could make an assessment that this alliance is one of the key reasons for such a position by the Association. Perhaps, there had been pressure from the side of administration.
Interestingly throughout the phase of our investigation, members of organisations like RSS, VHP, BJP and Bajrang Dal followed us. They followed us from the court to the collectorate to the SP office and were also following our movements even when we were in This indicates that the level of alertness within the right wing catalogue is very high with regards to any sort
Recommendations
To the Police and Administration in Mungeli
We strongly recommend for a higher-level yet impartial inquiry into the whole matter without any further delay. The inquiry as of now is just one sided, but the matter has to be also investigated from the purview of both the sides, where the constitutional rights and democratic values are fundamentally preserved. The intention behind the arrest of Vikas Khandekar cannot be challenged, however he should be given the same treatment as in the case of Dr. Abhiram Sharma. Khandekar should also get the facility of availing bail and fighting out his case in a legal manner.
While the inquiry has to be done in an impartial manner, it should also be understood that Vandana Khandekar and her children’s version should also be recorded and given due respect and sufficient space within the investigation as such.
Her complaints should be immediately taken into account and the police should unconditionally act on it. Convert it into an FIR, arrest the culprits and take strict action. The FIR should essentially consist of all relevant sections of the IPC as well as the SC/ST (PoA) Act 1989.
The police and administration should immediately stop the attempts to liquefy the crime against the family as well as the Satnami community. It is not fair on part of the state institution to engage with it’s citizens in such manner.
The victims in this case, i.e. the family of Khandekar, should be adequately compensated for the physical loses of property as well as the psychological trauma they underwent during and after the phase of the attack.
Satnami community should be provided equal respect like any other religious group or sect, as it is the constitutional right of every single citizen, religion, caste, gender or sect. If Khandekar could be arrested for his derogatory comments on goddess Durga, then those who ridiculed Satnamis, disdained their Guru, castigated caste based swearing and threw stones and shoe garland on the jaithkham should also arrested and punished.
The police and administration should immediately stop the attempt to criminalise Vikas Khandekar. Though it has already been done through invoking all the different cases against him and slapping all criminal sections, it should be rectified. Such attempts have the intention to disturb the social fabric of Scheduled Caste (Dalit) communities at large. He should be given a fair trial based on facts and truths.
The role of the SDO-P Om Prakash Chandel should not be ignored as another case of irresponsible bypassing. He role in this entire riot like incident should be duly investigated. Apart from taking departmental action, an FIR should be filed against him under the relevant sections of IPC, Service Code as well as sections of SC/ST (PoA) 1989.
To the Government of Chhattisgarh
The government of Chhattisgarh should instruct all officials of all departments, ministries that Scheduled Caste groups should be provided equal respect and protection like any other religious group or sect.
Provision of SC/ST (PoA) 1989 should be strictly implemented without any question. This needs to be taken more seriously as the number of atrocious crime on Dalits in the state has increased multifold and unless such strict action is not taken, there is a possibility of escalation of atrocities in the days to come.
The district and state level Vigilance and Monitoring Committee under the SC/ST (PoA) should be activated as soon as possible to curb the level of atrocities and to keep a close vigil on all forms of atrocities. Though these committees exist
The state should urgently take essential steps not to criminalise the Dalits. It has been a trend in Chhattisgarh that whenever a community or an individual from the Dalit community takes up any such step or action, the entire community is put under the dock. Such action and counter action should be stopped. This should come into effect without any delay.
In the case of Scheduled Caste (Dalits) the state should come up with proper guidelines to the police and administration in order to ensure the fundamental rights upheld by the Constitution, which in most of the case are at the mercy of the individual officer or authority.
To the Satnami community
The Satnami community should come together and act in time of crisis as a single unified unit. This is essential to protect and prevent the community from further violent atrocities and crisis. The upper and dominant caste as well as the state is aware that the community is divided on multiple aspects such as their loyalty towards political parties, ideologies as well as internal divide.
The community should not get co-opted by the dominant caste and the state for petty benefits. As an organic unit the community should be able to take a stand on such aspects revoking the principles laid by Guru Ghasidas and Guru Balakdas.
The community needs to expand it’s horizons through the establishment of interaction and an inclusive mechanism of mutual support and solidarity with other Dalit communities within Chhattisgarh as well as outside Chhattisgarh. There should be openness to listen and be heard in this process. Time is urgent to go beyond the brackets of Satnami and provide leadership to the larger Dalit movement in the state.
It should be able to reach out to the larger Dalit movement in India and south Asia through solidarity expression and joining hands with each other in their struggles.
To the pan-Indian Dalit movements
The rejection of Satnamis by the pan-Indian Dalit movement is not a smart way, particularly in Chhattisgarh. In Chhattisgarh the Satnamis alone constitute approximately 45 percent of the total Scheduled Caste population. The pan-Indian Dalit movement should be willing to interact with the Satnami counterpart. There should be ample initiatives for such a dialogue.
The pan-Indian Dalit movements should take up the issues of Dalits in Chhattisgarh, connect it with the larger context of the country and come up with appropriate means and methods of resolving the problems.
To the secular, democratic and civil liberties organisation
The existing paradigm of understanding the question of civil liberties needs serious restudy and introspection, particularly in the context of caste. There cannot be an Indian context where caste does not run as the lifeline of this country’s social mechanism.
Caste system and the plight of the Dalits have been generally avoided or ignored by the pan-Indian civil liberties and democratic rights groups. The Indian human rights movement today needs critical correction in their position.
Concluding Remarks
The persistence of caste as the most powerful institution in the making of modern Indian is the biggest threat to the democratic fabric of a nation. The situation in Chhattisgarh is too critical where the continuity of caste had also developed into the larger laboratory of neo-liberal experimentation alongside the communal and fascist forces. Attack on bastis, insulting individuals, land acquisition by corporate capitalists and psychological manipulation through Hinduisation or Sanskritisation of Dalits and Dalit movements is the end product of this parallel. Therefore they are not only the victims of the caste-based atrocities and discriminations, but also are at the verge of a crumple as a result of the divine alliance.
India’s caste system is perhaps the world’s longest surviving social hierarchy. A defining feature of Hinduism, caste encompasses a complex ordering of social groups on the basis of ritual purity. This question of pure and impure, sane and insane, holy and unholy, sanctified and unsanctified, sacred and sacrilege are decided on the basis of the caste to which one is born. For all these reasons and many more to add upon, Dalits across the state live in a state of fear. The fear psychology designed by the upper caste had properly worked in Chhattisgarh only to prove that anyone who would try to break the shackles of caste would be defeated without any response. It is in this context, the social system gets crucially assimilated into the political, administrative and psychological frameworks. This apart lest any efforts from the Dalits could be seen to break these shackles; rather easily get synchronised to what is given to them. This completes the hypothesis of social power and its relationship with the process of oppression.
Fact Finding Report
On the Arrest of Vikas Khandekar and aftermath in Mungeli
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Introduction
In the first week of October 2016, mainstream media in Chhattisgarh poured reports of an incident referring to the arising tension between the Satnamis and other dominant sections in Mungeli town of the same district. The said tension arose after a facebook comment on goddess ‘Durga’ posted by Vikas Khandekar. Khandekar has been known as a Satnami leader in this area for nearly two decades who has challenged the upper caste domination over the Dalits. The members of Sarva Samaj and Hindu outfits gathered the people on streets and blocked the road, burnt tyres, raised slogans and pelted stones in the main market and the shops were shut down. Police impose section 144 of CrPC. Soon Khandekar was arrested.
This led to an agitated state of Satnamis in Mungeli and across the state against the violation of ‘freedom of expression’ upheld by the Constitution. It is in this context People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Chhattisgarh took the initiative to bring together people from different human rights and Dalit movements to conduct a fact-finding investigation (FFT).
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1 .Dr. Lakhan Singh-President, PUCL, Chhattisgarh
2 .Adv. Sudha Bharadwaj-General Secretary, PUCL, Chhattisgarh
3 .Digree Prasad Chouhan-Executive Committee Member, PUCL, Chhattisgarh
4 .Rinchin-Executive Committee Member, PUCL, Chhattisgarh
5 Vibhishan Patre-Dalit Adhikar Abhiyan, Chhattisgarh
6 .Vijay Raj Boudh-Convenor, National Dalit Youth Front, Chhattisgarh
7 Guddu Lahre-General Secretary, Dalit Mukti Morcha, Chhattisgarh
8 Sanjeev Khande-Vice President, Satnam Mahasangh, Chhattisgarh
9 . Dr. Goldy M. George-Founder, Dalit Mukti Morcha, Chhattisgarh
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* About Mungeli
Mungeli is one of the latest districts in the state of Chhattisgarh carved out of the erstwhile Bilaspur district on January 1, 2012. The district headquarter is a municipality in Mungeli district of Chhattisgarh, which was carved out In that sense Mungeli is a very new district and town. Although this young town is nowhere as developed as its counterpart cities like Raipur and Bilaspur, it has some of the basic facilities like hospitals, schools and colleges. The economy of the district is predominantly based on agriculture and allied resources.
* The visit of the team
The fact-finding took place on October 23-24, 2016. Three of the team members met Vikas Khadekar at Bilaspur central jail, while others joined the investigation at Mungeli. In Mungeli the team first came across the disappointing news that Vikas Khandekar’s bail application was not pressed in the court on October 23. Khandekar’s family had changed the counsel in the court which was the reason that the lawyer left the court with a note on the bail application reading ‘not pressed’.
Media reports on the incident also indicated that the Bar Association of Mungeli passed a resolution, which prohibited the local lawyers to be the counsel for Khandekar. Anyone who dares to break it, would be suspended as per the reports. The team met with the officials of the bar association to get a clarification of their position. The team met with the Deputy Collector and Assistant Superintendent of Police in their respective offices and later met with the family members at the residence. The team had an informal chat with the police personnel deployed at the residence of Vikas Khandekar and visited the ‘jaisthambh’ that was also under the attack.
The next day three of the fact finding members joined the meeting called by Satnam Sena in Bilaspur in connection with the arrest of Khandekar as well as other similar cases of caste based atrocities on Satnami community.
* Khandekar’s Post, his Arrest and Aftermaths
On October 3, 2016, Vikas Khandekar posted in a Facebook group about goddess Durga, with objectionable contents. Many people in the Mungeli itself, who had known Khandekar as a Satnami leader, spotted this post. Khandekar had been known as a Satnami leader in the area, under the banner of Satnam Mahasabha. Khandekar’s post went viral like a wildfire and soon the non-Satnami sections came out on the street against it. The next day on October 4, a large mob came out into the open along with a few Satnamis and some people belonging to other Dalits communities were also part of this mob against Khandekar.
The mob marched in multiple directions targeting the house of Khandekar and also towards the police station to take immediate action against him. As a fact, the team found that the post had created a stir among the majority section of Hindus in Mungeli that could legally account to causing injury to the religious and cultural sentiments of the Hindu section. The post in question was not the only reason of his arrest. Many other cases were also invoked and clubbed together in this process.
On October 5, morning Khandekar’s home was attacked by the mob. Family members inside the house remained in utter fear and terror as the unmanned crowd stormed into the house, attacked them physically, verbally abuse his wife and children, stoned the house and caused damage to the property. The barged mob went on swearing the entire Satnami community, Guru Ghasidas Baba and also attacked the ‘jaithkham’ in front of Khandekar’s house. The family members begged to leave them, kept on calling for help and support as well as informed the police but there was hardly any support from the police and administration as the mob went atrocious. Nor did any community member come forward to their rescue. Much later the police responded by sending a few constables as part of the so-called ‘rescue operations’. The situation was much tense when the team visited Mungeli.
In the meantime the Bar Association in Mungeli, came up with a resolution that no lawyers should take up the case of Khandekar, else be prepared to face serious consequence like suspension. Thus none of the lawyers including Satnamis could come forward to take the case of Khandekar. Family members hired lawyers from Bilaspur which also had certain unprecedented ending. Later fresh lawyers were hired to carry forward the proceedings.
Meeting Vikas Khandekar in Jail
On October 23, morning three of the team members Digree Prasad Chouhan, Rinchin and Vibhishan Patre met Vikas Khandekar in Bilaspur Central jail. He informed the three about the way he was arrested and what he underwent after the arrest. After arresting him, the police treated him like a hardcore criminal. His counsel was not allowed to meet him initially. The police personnel send his half naked photos to many people via whatsapp. However he was hopeful of battling his way out of the jail. It turned out to be an embarrassing act as much as a leader of a Dalit community is concerned. The multiple cases registered against Khandekar is being fought in the court today through legal means.
An unexpected shocker in Mungeli
As none of the local lawyers had shown any interest in fighting the case of Khandekar, the family arranged for another counsel from Bilaspur. The counsel has been practising in the High Court of Chhattisgarh, who was supposed to file the bail application in the lower court. The lawyer along with the assistants was dealing with the cases had initially filed bail application. However, some problems arose between the lawyer and the family members. Unhappy with the lawyer’s progress in the matter, Khandekar’s family decided to withdraw the lawyer and appoint another set of counsels. The family members are legitimately entitled to change the counsels with the consent and advise of the accused, lest all the due are cleared and they obtain a ‘no objection certificate’ from the existing counsel.
October 23 was also the date on which the bail application was to be heard by the court. In the absence of the first set of lawyers, alternative arrangement of counsels were made and the new set were all prepared to stand in the court to argue the case for Khandekar. Regretfully, it could not be heard. The reason was that the first lawyer who filed the bail application, withdrew the application with a note ‘not pressed’. Technically it refers to the fact that the application stands withdrawn. It is to be noted that this goes against the professional ethics of a counsel.
Discussion the office bearers of the Bar Association Mungeli
Since media reported informed of a ban imposed by the Bar Association of Mungeli on local lawyers from taking up the cases of Khandekar, the team members felt the need to meet the office bearers of the Association. In the meeting there were some 10-12 members. During the interaction the FFT members asked for the reasons of such a ban of local lawyers by the Bar Association. The president of the Association denied of any such resolution and dismissed it as a media gimmicks. He reaffirmed his position with the support of a few Satnami lawyers who were also part of the discussion. The members of the team raised if the Bar Association issued a statement condemning it as a media gimmicks, to which the response was that why should we fall into that trap. The members of the Bar Associations unanimously declared that it is not their job to respond to everything that goes around in their name. Though the discussion was very cordial, it was not very convincing to the team members that they should not issues a condemning statement against what they claimed it to be a media gimmicks.
In the District Collectorate
The FFT was at the district collectorate to meet the District Collector Ms. Kiran Kaushal in order to get the actual assessment of the actions taken by the administration on the complaints registered by Vandana, wife of Vikas Khandekar. The team was told in the office that the Collector is not at the station as she had gone for a meeting in Korba. The team went on the meet the Deputy Collector G. S. Kusram who had almost zero information of the action taken by the authorities. The only answer he consistently gave back and forth was ‘madam jab aayegi, vahi iske bare me bata paayegi’ (only when madam [Collector] comes, she could tell you about that. Later the team gave an application addressing the district collector with a request to take immediate action on the complaint filed by Vandana Khandekar.
Version of the investigation Officer
The team went on the meet the Superintendent of Police (SP), however Ms. Neetu Kamal the SP was not at the station too. Thus we decided to meet the Assistant SP Ms. Singh, who eventually happened to be the investigation officer. The ASP informed that the complaint by Vandana Khandekar is under investigation. She got irritated when the team members raised the question that why this investigation has not moved ahead when the woman victim herself is the witness to the entire attack. She turned more aggravated when one of the members raised a question that why till date the First Information Record (FIR) has not been filed against the attackers of October 5. She repeated ‘jaanch ho rahi he’ (investigation is on). Another question pumped in was why the Sub-Divisional Officer-Police (SDO-P) was involved, who went on to organise the people and let them to attack Khandekar’s house and the ‘jaithkham’ as if it was a well managed stage show by the police department, she turned red with anger. She replied, ‘this is your version of the story, it has not surfaced in our investigation till now.’
Discussion with the family members
The FFT met the family along with the extended family members at the residence of Khandekar in Daupara of Mungeli. The post of Khandekar went viral on Facebook and Whatsapp. Upper caste section of Hindus in Mungeli took it very offensive and filed a complaint with the Kotwali police station, which was converted into an FIR by the police. On October 4, 2016 around 4 pm, the police took Vikas Khandekar into custody on the alleged complaint of defiling Hindu deity.
The same section had a meeting with the police and administration after the arrest of Khandekar. The police announced to the media that a peace committee has been constituted and everything is under control. The law and order problem that arose has been subsided and there is no such problem at the moment in existence. However the picture was not as the police did bring it before the media. Secret meeting was held that night and in the meeting they decided to go all out against the Satnamis. Interestingly, the meeting had the protection of the SDO-P Om Prakash Chandel.
The next day morning (i.e. October 5, 2016) around 8 am they all assembled to march to the house of Khandekar. At that time there were only three persons in his home – his wife Vandana Khandekar and two small (minor) children. Vandana informed the team that this mob was told that there are a few Satnamis also assembling at the Satnam Bhawan close to the house of Khandekar. Hence they took a different route to reach their home. The SDO-P Chandel, who left no stones to instigate the crowd, led the crowd by a different route. One of the family members opined that it was the SDO-P who actually aggravated the situation. As a police officer he could have calmed the aggression and brought things under control, rather he added oil to the fire by provoking the right wing crowd and led them to Khandekar’s house with police protection.
According to Vandana Khandekar, around 9 am, a crowd numbering nearly 250-300 barged into the house of the Khandekars and shot filthy abuses on her. They stoned the house, damaged property and consistently used caste based swear words against the Satnamis. In her complaint to the Inspector General (IG) Bilaspur, Vandana refers to the attempt by the mob to burn her. In her complaint to the SP, she listed out of derogatory abuses poured on her and Satnamis by the uncontrollable mob. She also came up with a list of those whom she had known among the attackers. The attacking mob also stoned the ‘jaithkham’ and threw shoes and footwear at the holy place. These have been reported by some news media as well. Jaithkham represents the authority of the guru and marked the tightness of Satnamis as a group. It is one of the most highly regarded symbols of the Satnam sect that has endured over the years and can be found in every Satnami village across Chhattisgarh. Historically, the jaithkham used to be a tall bamboo stick on top of which a white triangular flag was hoisted. However in current time it is a tall concrete structure in all Satnami villages. This for multiple reasons caused injury to the Satnami community since the very act defiled the holy place of worship. However, no actual action has been taken when the investigation team went for investigation.
Followed by this incident, the Satnami community in and around Mungeli anticipated another round of attack, due to which a good number of Satnamis were also prepared to face the situation. Nearly 150-200 of them camped in the Satnam bhawan close to Khandekar’s house for nearly a week. The police threatened the Satnamis in many different ways. They used all the Satnami policemen to pass on message that the Satnamis should remain quiet else, something much different could happen. Vandana told the team that even the younger brother of Vikas, who is a policeman in Mungeli , remained helpless.
For nearly two week the whole of Daupara remained as a cordoned zone with police personnel camping in the Satnam bhawan. While the team visited the residence of Khandekar, we observed that nearly 50 policemen were camping in the Satnam bhawan. Outside the house of Khandekar there were some 5-6 policemen guarding the house. ‘Few of them are also on the first floor of the house, who were camping to conduct the night duty,’ explained one of the police guards.
Meeting at Mahant Bada, Bilaspur
On October 24, the Satnam Sena (SS) called a meeting at Mahant Bada in Bilaspur. This was an all-exclusive meeting of members from Satnami community, where even members from other Dalit communities were not allowed. However, on a special request three members of the fact-finding committee were allowed in who also took part in it. The purpose was to know more about the assessment as well as the future course of plan. The meeting was called to discuss the escalation of atrocities on the Satnamis, particularly in the context of the arrest of Khandekar followed by a series of incidences in Mungeli. Guru Baldas, who is also the National President of the SS, chaired the meeting. The meeting was not for all laypersons. It was particularly meant for the key leaders of the different units of SS. In the past, SS has sided with the right wing political organisation Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) in the elections, particularly Guru Baldas. He actively campaigned for the BJP. Thus it became strategically important for us to know how Baldas and SS could take on same BJP government that it sided in the last two assembly elections.
Interestingly, except two or three of those who assembled, everyone raised critical question with the guru on how is he going to take it on. They raised question on his role in the past with the BJP government. They raised questions like why is that the guru and Satnami community is unable to ask questions with the government. Much of the heated arguments surrounded around the disabled state of Satnamis in raising their voice against caste based atrocities, injustices and violence on settlements. After lots of criticism, the guru agreed to take on the issue with the government. The Sena members also resolved to form a Sangarsh Samiti against all forms of atrocities unleashed against the Satnamis. One of the members of the fact-finding mission, Guddu Lahre, was also nominated the 21-member Sangarsh Samiti.
The Undercurrents from the Past
At the outward appearance of the entire series of incidences, one could figure out that this particular case has not happened in isolation. It certainly has to do a lot with the previous history of caste domination and anti-caste struggles in this area. Mungeli has a long history of Satmani movement. It is one of the bastions of both the followers and challengers of the guru parampara. Unlike many other non-Brahminical sects, Satnamis follow the guru tradition. Mungeli as such has been a major centre of discussions and debates of both following and criticising this particular tradition for historical reasons. Over the course of time, thus, it has emerged as a centre of attraction for both Satnami and non-Satnami intellectuals for similar propositions.
According to the information gathered from different sources including the family members, the upper and dominant caste sections, particularly those who have been associated with right wing organisations like Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal and Hindu Raksha Samiti were the ones who spread the post of Khandekar and made it viral. For a long time this section of people have been breeding and nurturing strong sense of hatred, enmity and opposition towards the Satnamis in Mungeli. They have received the protection from the administrations too for carrying out such activities. Whenever and wherever they got an opportunity, they would oppose whatever the Satnamis did.
Historically the dominant castes in and around Mungeli (and for that reason the entire Chhattisgarh), practiced ‘distancing’ from the Satnamis to avoid ‘pollution’, which is a cause for smouldering resentment. This constituted mostly backward classes along with some Brahmin and Kshatriya families. However the Kshatriyas with the scriptural legitimisation of the Brahmins mostly played the lead role in the anti-Satnami operations. Over the course of period many other sections of dominant castes such as the Marwadi (Baniyas), other Brahmins and Kshatriyas clans have joined the existing ones. Thus the swelling up of the caste domination had undergone a strategic, quantitative and qualitative enhancement.
In Mungeli the Satnamis have been historically militant. They acquired additional land and assert through the Satnam movement. They have their own functionaries and pilgrimage sites. This movement established the ideology of anti as well as counter Brahminism. The forward march to certain extend also established that they are independent (swatantra) from other, including the ones’ hailing from the ex-untouchable strata. Education became the key means and methods to enter the mainstream spaces of employment, jobs, and other public domains. This new sense and social space of Satnami self-assertion of self-sufficiency turned out to be an important idiom of separation from other castes. Alongwith this, the consistent efforts to resist caste oppression – which was never new to the Satnamis – led to the emergence of a different socio-cultural and political identity of the Dalit movement itself. This provoked the upper castes not only by being militant and accruing land but also by occupying key and strategic spaces in public domains.
When Guru Ghasidas died, his son Balakdas took over leadership of the Satnamis. The succession to the ‘throne’ (gaddi) and under the tutelage of Balakdas, personification of the guru was like that of a kingly person (raja- aadmi). He amassed wealth and took the position of the guru to unprecedented heights by building himself a castle and riding around on an elephant. His birth anniversary is celebrated in Mungeli area as sourya diwas – meaning the victory of self-respect of Satnamis. Vikas Khandekar, being the leader of the Satnami community in Mungeli, led the celebration. In order to show the power of Satnamis, it is said that he air fired from his personal licensed gun. This strong assertion and affirmation of Satnami power, counter to that of the socially wielded power of caste, comes with the tradition and history of Satnam movement in the region.
In recent years, there had been many struggles related to the Satnami’s cultural spiritualism. One of these in recent times had been the Bodsara land struggle. It has been a key struggle in recent times that irked the upper caste sections against the Satnamis. According to the Satnami tradition, the second guru Guru Balakdas when ascended to throne asked the Satnamis to fight against caste system and all forms of injustices. With this purpose he established many wrestling training schools, called akhara, where Satnamis were trained in self-defensive martial arts. One such akhara was located in Bodsara of Bilaspur district where an ‘upper-caste’ priest (pundit) was hired to guard the premises. After the death of Balakdas, the priest’s family illegally took ownership of the property.
In 2007, one of the present gurus, Guru Baldas (a descendent of Balakdas) claimed the property and demanded it to be returned to the Satnamis. This fight to claim the ownership of the property is one of the recent instances in which a larger number of Satnamis from Mungeli, Takhatpur, and Pamgarh took the leadership role. Vikas Khandekar was one of the leaders of this movement, who mobilised thousands of people for this movement. The fight to claim ownership of this property turned out to be a prestige issue of the community as it was an important cultural symbol of the ancestors, rather than just a piece of land.
The plot of one-acre land upon was under the possession of a Brahmin family by the name of Bajpayee. They had constructed a house over it. Satnamis in Bodsara claimed that it historically belonged to the community. The house has been constructed on the akhara where in the centre there is a jaithkham. For all reasons akhara is an important institution of the Satnami revolution. The house is located on the site where a jaithkham stands. In the same village, Guru Baldas owns a house. Violence broke out when the Satnamis marched to claim the land under the banner of Bodsara Gurudwara Mukti Andolan Samiti, which was opposed by the Bajpayees with the support of the Brahmin community organisation in Bilaspur. It ended up in a violent clash. In the aftermath of the violence that erupted in Bodsara in 2007, he was arrested on the charges of inciting Satnamis in Bodsara to attack the Brahmin family that occupied the space. Baldas remained in jail for four months.
The family who was the legal occupant filed a petition to the High Court against Satnamis defending their right to what they claimed was their ancestral property. The High Court had ordered the property to be locked, and police officers had been posted there to keep it secure. In the aftermath of incidents related to the same dispute in April 2008, 60 persons were arrested and the police to contain the violence imposed Section 144. Many organisations like Dalit Mukti Morcha reported the kind of police brutality in relation to caste-related atrocities in Bodsara and the aftermath movement by different sections.
Since the Bodsara land rights movement days, Vikas has been in the forefront of gaining the land back for the Satnamis. For the past few years he has been one of the persons who have been trying to conduct an annual pooja (worship) at the place on a regular basis. This year too he was one of the five members nominated by the Satnami samaj to conduct the pooja. It was the administration that asked the Satnamis to nominate five persons, whereas the Satnamis demanded to allow them conduct a pooja once a year. Despite the promises from the police and administration (as well as the protection from the police), the five persons were not allowed to go inside the said location of the land to conduct the pooja. Contrary to this the police forcefully made the five community representatives to conduct the pooja outside under the aegis of maintaining law and order. Khandekar along with others strongly opposed this move of the police and administration. He went all out against not allowing the Satnamis to conduct the pooja under the patronage of the police and administration.
Observations
Dalits in Chhattisgarh are the ones faced with the worst of all forms of social stratification. There is no doubt that the social system of the State as a nation is based on caste. It is an open truth that Dalits, one of the most oppressed and repressed strata anywhere in the history of world, are still reeling under the nefarious chains of casteism. On the other end in states like Chhattisgarh the corporate sector is already in a big way for mega investment and thereby uprooting the children of the soil.
During the investigation, the team observed that there are clear instances of a strong sense of untouchability, discrimination and humiliation against Satnamis in Mungeli. Caste based hostility and antagonism rove in the entire zone. All the incidences of the past are based on this hostility and antagonism. This includes not only the upper caste section, but also the backward classes who have emerged as a dominant caste. In continuation to this, the police and administration also behaves in an inimical pattern in accordance to the social fabric.
Mungeli has a large section of educated, economically well off and employed Satnamis. Nevertheless, in the social hierarchy they are considered as untouchable rubbish in the society. In accordance with the caste ladder, they remain at the bottom of the caste hierarchy and face everyday forms of caste oppression.
The team also observed that inspite of all the support from Satnami community, Dalit organisations and other civil liberties organisations, the family is still in fear. Numerous uncertainties still flung in their minds. One could also see a pattern of these. For instance Vandana his wife is not able to come out openly since she is a government employee. Similarly Vikas’s sister Anjana has her limitation of being a government employee. Thus the efforts from the family side mostly rely on the extended family.
It was also observed that in the past the atrocities against Dalits were mostly not registered or even when the cases were registered it wasn’t dealt properly to reach any logical conclusion. Instead the caste based officers indulged in those cases forced compromises without addressing the fundamental questions effectively.
Vikas Khandekar was referred by many as a Sher (lion). This refers to the daringness and fearless leadership of Khandekar provided in and around Mungeli area. He emerged as a leader against all forms of caste domination, hierarchies and power. Thus it seems to be an essential prerequisite for the dominant caste section to contain with the Dalit counter-power under some pretext or other.
Thus this effort at large is to criminalise Vikas and through him the Satmani community. His post on the Facebook was only a means, however the end seems crystal clear which is directed in a different dimension. That is the reason why multiple cases registered at different time phase were invoked all at one time. The sections slapped on Khandekar clearly indicate the fact that they want to teach him a lesson. Thus in the criminalisation politics against the Dalits it is not only the strategic weapon applied by the dominant caste sections but the administration and police are also party to the same.
The complaint by Vandana Khandekar is yet to be converted into an FIR. In her compliant to the SP and IG, she had listed out the name of the people who had come to attack the house as well as the jaithkham. She had come up with a series of violent incidences, which could have taken seriously by the police and taken immediate action. Not taking any thoughtful account of her compliant has serious implications in socio-political and legal terms. It is also a means to demoralise the community to the maximum possible extends. In a way or other, it gives a message that the police and administration is not going to entertain the complaints by Dalits in Mungeli. Certainly the administration and police were active players of the vicious conspiracy and ploy.
The role of SDO-P Chandel in instigating and organising the dominant sections needs a special note. As a responsible officer his responsibility was to block the mob, dissolve the anger of the mob, provide protection to the family, take all necessary precaution and had informed his higher authorities for more deployment of force. Had he done and his higher authorities desisted from any sort of action, then the pointer is on the higher authorities. Despite the fact that the police and administration had known it, there had been no action of any sort against him. Rather he has been given a free hand to continue what he has been doing.
A similar case of disrespecting the religious sentiments of the Satnamis had surfaced in Torwa police station area in Bilaspur where one Dr. Abhiram Sharma had purposely painted a sketch of Guru Ghasidas on the boundary wall of his farmhouse. The reason was that people from the nearby basti used to defecate near the boundary and in order to prevent them from this he applied this method. The Satnami community in and around came out openly against this act of Sharma. He was also booked under the same section of IPC 295, which was also slapped on Khandekar. Sharma was arrested and later released on bail. However the Mungeli court, where the case was on similar lines, rejected Khandekar’s bail application.
The Dalit officers in the administration sounded helpless while the upper caste officials appeared determined to go all out against Khandekar in this round. It is as if they were looking for a particular prey and the prey had fallen into their mouth by default.
Despite the denial and dismissal of imposing any ban by the members of the Bar Association of Mungeli, various circumstances that surrounds the case of Khandekar leads to the logical understanding that there had been a standpoint where the Association had restricted the lawyers to stand in Khandekar’s case. The very fact that they have not issued a counter statement condemning the media reports signals to this fact. Further the unwillingness of the members to engage with the case indicates the reticent ban on the lawyers.
We also have information that those who are the helm of the office at the Bar Association have strong connection with the right wing Hindu organisations like RSS, VHP and BJP. One could make an assessment that this alliance is one of the key reasons for such a position by the Association. Perhaps, there had been pressure from the side of administration.
Interestingly throughout the phase of our investigation, members of organisations like RSS, VHP, BJP and Bajrang Dal followed us. They followed us from the court to the collectorate to the SP office and were also following our movements even when we were in This indicates that the level of alertness within the right wing catalogue is very high with regards to any sort
Recommendations
To the Police and Administration in Mungeli
We strongly recommend for a higher-level yet impartial inquiry into the whole matter without any further delay. The inquiry as of now is just one sided, but the matter has to be also investigated from the purview of both the sides, where the constitutional rights and democratic values are fundamentally preserved. The intention behind the arrest of Vikas Khandekar cannot be challenged, however he should be given the same treatment as in the case of Dr. Abhiram Sharma. Khandekar should also get the facility of availing bail and fighting out his case in a legal manner.
While the inquiry has to be done in an impartial manner, it should also be understood that Vandana Khandekar and her children’s version should also be recorded and given due respect and sufficient space within the investigation as such.
Her complaints should be immediately taken into account and the police should unconditionally act on it. Convert it into an FIR, arrest the culprits and take strict action. The FIR should essentially consist of all relevant sections of the IPC as well as the SC/ST (PoA) Act 1989.
The police and administration should immediately stop the attempts to liquefy the crime against the family as well as the Satnami community. It is not fair on part of the state institution to engage with it’s citizens in such manner.
The victims in this case, i.e. the family of Khandekar, should be adequately compensated for the physical loses of property as well as the psychological trauma they underwent during and after the phase of the attack.
Satnami community should be provided equal respect like any other religious group or sect, as it is the constitutional right of every single citizen, religion, caste, gender or sect. If Khandekar could be arrested for his derogatory comments on goddess Durga, then those who ridiculed Satnamis, disdained their Guru, castigated caste based swearing and threw stones and shoe garland on the jaithkham should also arrested and punished.
The police and administration should immediately stop the attempt to criminalise Vikas Khandekar. Though it has already been done through invoking all the different cases against him and slapping all criminal sections, it should be rectified. Such attempts have the intention to disturb the social fabric of Scheduled Caste (Dalit) communities at large. He should be given a fair trial based on facts and truths.
The role of the SDO-P Om Prakash Chandel should not be ignored as another case of irresponsible bypassing. He role in this entire riot like incident should be duly investigated. Apart from taking departmental action, an FIR should be filed against him under the relevant sections of IPC, Service Code as well as sections of SC/ST (PoA) 1989.
To the Government of Chhattisgarh
The government of Chhattisgarh should instruct all officials of all departments, ministries that Scheduled Caste groups should be provided equal respect and protection like any other religious group or sect.
Provision of SC/ST (PoA) 1989 should be strictly implemented without any question. This needs to be taken more seriously as the number of atrocious crime on Dalits in the state has increased multifold and unless such strict action is not taken, there is a possibility of escalation of atrocities in the days to come.
The district and state level Vigilance and Monitoring Committee under the SC/ST (PoA) should be activated as soon as possible to curb the level of atrocities and to keep a close vigil on all forms of atrocities. Though these committees exist
The state should urgently take essential steps not to criminalise the Dalits. It has been a trend in Chhattisgarh that whenever a community or an individual from the Dalit community takes up any such step or action, the entire community is put under the dock. Such action and counter action should be stopped. This should come into effect without any delay.
In the case of Scheduled Caste (Dalits) the state should come up with proper guidelines to the police and administration in order to ensure the fundamental rights upheld by the Constitution, which in most of the case are at the mercy of the individual officer or authority.
To the Satnami community
The Satnami community should come together and act in time of crisis as a single unified unit. This is essential to protect and prevent the community from further violent atrocities and crisis. The upper and dominant caste as well as the state is aware that the community is divided on multiple aspects such as their loyalty towards political parties, ideologies as well as internal divide.
The community should not get co-opted by the dominant caste and the state for petty benefits. As an organic unit the community should be able to take a stand on such aspects revoking the principles laid by Guru Ghasidas and Guru Balakdas.
The community needs to expand it’s horizons through the establishment of interaction and an inclusive mechanism of mutual support and solidarity with other Dalit communities within Chhattisgarh as well as outside Chhattisgarh. There should be openness to listen and be heard in this process. Time is urgent to go beyond the brackets of Satnami and provide leadership to the larger Dalit movement in the state.
It should be able to reach out to the larger Dalit movement in India and south Asia through solidarity expression and joining hands with each other in their struggles.
To the pan-Indian Dalit movements
The rejection of Satnamis by the pan-Indian Dalit movement is not a smart way, particularly in Chhattisgarh. In Chhattisgarh the Satnamis alone constitute approximately 45 percent of the total Scheduled Caste population. The pan-Indian Dalit movement should be willing to interact with the Satnami counterpart. There should be ample initiatives for such a dialogue.
The pan-Indian Dalit movements should take up the issues of Dalits in Chhattisgarh, connect it with the larger context of the country and come up with appropriate means and methods of resolving the problems.
To the secular, democratic and civil liberties organisation
The existing paradigm of understanding the question of civil liberties needs serious restudy and introspection, particularly in the context of caste. There cannot be an Indian context where caste does not run as the lifeline of this country’s social mechanism.
Caste system and the plight of the Dalits have been generally avoided or ignored by the pan-Indian civil liberties and democratic rights groups. The Indian human rights movement today needs critical correction in their position.
Concluding Remarks
The persistence of caste as the most powerful institution in the making of modern Indian is the biggest threat to the democratic fabric of a nation. The situation in Chhattisgarh is too critical where the continuity of caste had also developed into the larger laboratory of neo-liberal experimentation alongside the communal and fascist forces. Attack on bastis, insulting individuals, land acquisition by corporate capitalists and psychological manipulation through Hinduisation or Sanskritisation of Dalits and Dalit movements is the end product of this parallel. Therefore they are not only the victims of the caste-based atrocities and discriminations, but also are at the verge of a crumple as a result of the divine alliance.
India’s caste system is perhaps the world’s longest surviving social hierarchy. A defining feature of Hinduism, caste encompasses a complex ordering of social groups on the basis of ritual purity. This question of pure and impure, sane and insane, holy and unholy, sanctified and unsanctified, sacred and sacrilege are decided on the basis of the caste to which one is born. For all these reasons and many more to add upon, Dalits across the state live in a state of fear. The fear psychology designed by the upper caste had properly worked in Chhattisgarh only to prove that anyone who would try to break the shackles of caste would be defeated without any response. It is in this context, the social system gets crucially assimilated into the political, administrative and psychological frameworks. This apart lest any efforts from the Dalits could be seen to break these shackles; rather easily get synchronised to what is given to them. This completes the hypothesis of social power and its relationship with the process of oppression.
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