Tuesday, September 30, 2014

MESSAGE FROM A JUDGE TO A WOMAN JUDGE: "DANCE TO AN ITEM SONG"!

MESSAGE FROM A JUDGE TO A WOMAN JUDGE: "DANCE TO AN ITEM SONG"!
Women Lawyers have nowhere to go when sexually harassed by their seniors
NEW DELHI: In 2000, a young woman lawyer in Andhra Pradesh committed suicide allegedly due to sexual harassment by three lawyers. Earlier this year, two major incidents came to light – one involving former Justice Swatanter Kumar, who was accused of sexually harassing an intern in 2011, although he has firmly denied the allegation, and another that saw Justice A.K. Ganguly, another former judge of the Supreme Court, in the eye of the storm after a female intern charged him with sexually harassing her in a hotel room in 2012.

More recently, the news of an additional district and sessions judge in Gwalior stepping down in order “to protect her dignity” came as another shock. According to reports, in her complaint to the Chief Justice of India R.M. Lodha and Madhya Pradesh High Court chief justice, she has alleged that the administrative judge from Gwalior bench of the MP High Court wanted her to visit his bungalow alone. The judge had apparently even sent her a message through the district registrar to “perform dance on an item song” at a function in his residence.

While it’s not often that instances of intimidation and sexual harassment in the legal profession grab the spotlight, this by no means is a reflection of the reality on the ground. Women lawyers and judges, who are otherwise responsible for safeguarding the rights of ordinary people, are just as unsafe and vulnerable in their workplace as their counterparts in other professions.

According to Indira Jaising, noted advocate and former Additional Solicitor General, “What comes out in the open is just the tip of the iceberg. Few women actually speak up as they fear professional backlash.” In the Gwalior case, Jaising has openly stated that “the Chief Justice of India should institute an internal enquiry and the accused judge should be suspended from all work…” Additionally, she feels that the resignation of the woman judge should not be accepted.

Further commenting on the complaint filed by the Gwalior additional district and sessions judge, Vrinda Grover, a well-known human rights advocate, says, “If a judge is capable of sexual harassment, you can imagine what kind of mindset would be at play during delivery of justice at his court.”

Interestingly, sexual harassment in the legal profession is a risk that women face the world over. According to a Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission report, one-in-four female lawyers in Victoria, Australia, had experienced sexual harassment at work. The incidents were under reported and contributed to women leaving the profession. Most had chosen to remain silent fearing ostracism, while others were not aware of the complaint processes.

In the Indian context, there are several factors that up the threat quotient – from the way the courts are structurally designed to the inherent inequalities in the system that do not allow many women to rise to the top. “Sexual harassment is common in our profession. One experiences it even in the Supreme Court – in the corridors, chambers, etc,” rues Anandita Pujari, practicing advocate in the Supreme Court. Indeed, the way a court house is built – including narrow corridors, cramped courtrooms, and poor restrooms facilities – leaves scope for both physical and mental harassment. “Usually, there is a lot of rush in the court rooms. One gets get pushed and pulled and it becomes even difficult to operate,” she adds.

Pujari reveals how her friend had to deal with a stalker in the Supreme Court. She not only lodged a complaint with the police but also took the matter to the Gender Sensitisation and Internal Complaints Committee of the Apex court. Fortunately for her, the male advocate who was harassing her was banned from entering the court for six months after the Complaints Committee found him guilty.

Nevertheless, there are not many women like Pujari’s friend who can raise their voice against an erring colleague. Fact is that the legal profession is absolutely male-dominated and it’s very easy to be labelled as a troublemaker or get sidelined professionally. The Gwalior judge had to face this setback first-hand. She has alleged that she was transferred to a remote place “for not fulfilling his aspirations and for not visiting his bungalow alone even once”. She has added that he threatened to “spoil her career completely and make sure that she faces ruinous prospects all her life."

The fears that women lawyers harbour are certainly not unfounded. In a survey conducted by law students in the late 1990s, on the problems faced by female lawyers, most of the respondents chose to stick to the ‘no comments’ option when it came to answering the question on harassment. However, during unofficial conversations they attributed their silence to the apprehension of being thrown out of office. In another assessment done by a body of lawyers, of the 85 women professionals surveyed in Delhi 80 per cent reported experiencing some form of sexual harassment.

“The biases are evident. There are hardly any female judges, especially in the higher courts. It is very difficult for a woman advocate to get promoted to the position of a judge,” states Shamona Khanna, a senior advocate.

Khanna is not wrong. The combined strength of women judges in the Supreme Court and High Courts is just 20. While the Supreme Court has only one woman out of a total of 28 judges, the High Courts have 19 female judges out of the total sanctioned strength of 647.

It is only recently that women have started getting appointed as judges. “Women excel in all professions. Then why do they not get equal opportunities in the legal profession,” wonders Jaising. The problem perhaps lies in the fact that there is a total lack of transparency in the process of the appointment of judges. “There is no clarity on the issue of who should become a judge. The names of advocates that are shortlisted to be elevated to the position of a judge are not made known to the fraternity at large. It is only through word of mouth that one can guess who are in the fray,” Pujari reveals.

Apart from the obvious disparities, which are largely a result of a patriarchal mindset, women suffer on account of the multiple roles they play in their life, especially because there are no support systems in place in courts. According to lawyers, litigation is demanding and pregnant women or those who have small children simply have to take a step back.

Of course, coming to the redress of sexual harassment cases, it is no easier just because there are lawyers involved. Though the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, which is based on the Vishaka Guidelines issued by the Supreme Court in 1997, promises to protect women from sexual harassment at place of work, for women lawyers, the ‘workplace’ is courts. Moreover, the lawyers practising in the courts are not ‘employees’ of the judges. Therefore, the definitions of ‘workplace’, ‘employees’, ‘employers’ in sexual harassment law needs to be broadened to address the issue.

However, certain steps have been taken by the Apex court to set an example. Physically, the corridors in the complex have been widened and are now well lit and a Gender Sensitisation and Internal Complaints Committee has been set up to look into sexual harassment complaints. Unfortunately, in some high courts such committees are non-existent while in others they are defunct. Also, whereas complaints against fellow advocates can be addressed through these committees, there is no established mechanism to address such a complaint against a sitting judge.

In her complain the Gwalior sessions judge has posed a pertinent question that gives everyone a lot to think about: ‘What system are we following and leading this democracy to?’

(Women's Feature Service)

अरबों नहीं खरबों में होगी वसूली

अरबों नहीं खरबों में होगी वसूली

There will be billions of billions recovery


There will be billions of billions recovery
10/1/2014 6:43:39 AM
रायगढ़। सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने 93 से आवंटित कोल ब्लाकों को निरस्त कर दिया है। जिले के 15 कोलब्लाक इस फैसले की चपेट में आए हैं। ऎसे में कोर्ट की ओर से यह भी आदेश दिया गया है कि जिन खदानों में खनन का कार्य शुरू हो गया है उनके उत्पादन पर 295 रूपए प्रतिटन की दर से पेनाल्टी वसूली जाएगी।
ऎसे में यदि जिले के लिहाज से देखा जाए तो यहां पांच खदानों में कोयले का उत्पादन शुरू है। इन हालात में जो जुर्माना कोर्ट की ओर से तय किया गया है उसके अनुसार जो आकलन किया जा रहा है वह अरबों में नहीं खरबों में जा रहा है। हलंकि खनिज विभाग इस मामले में कुछ भी बोलने से इंकार कर रहा है। जानकार इसके कयास लगा रहे हैं।
अभी तक कुछ भी पत्र नहीं मिला है। सर्वोच्च न्यायलय और शासन के आदेश के अनुसार इस मामले में आगे की कार्रवाई की जाएगी। किसको कितना जुर्माना हो सकता है इस बारे में कुछ नहीं कह सकता। फिलहाल जुर्माने के लिए आकलन करने की प्रक्रिया जारी है।
एसएस नाग, जिला खनिज अधिकारी

Reading the Maoist challenge right

Reading the Maoist challenge right

Recent statements made by the home minister on India’s Maoist insurgency seem to mark a reversal of the official thinking on this threat

 


A file photo of district police officers patrolling the naxal infested forests at Bijapur near Dantewada. Photo: HT
The Saranda model offers an example of successful transformation of Naxalite-affected areas.
Recent statements made by the home minister on India’s Maoist insurgency seem to mark a reversal of the official thinking on this threat. He is reported to have said that this is part of some international conspiracy that requires the toughest possible action by paramilitary forces and the police. The Prime Minister has been silent, but his predecessor Manmohan Singh had repeatedly emphasized that this is India’s most serious internal security challenge and it has fundamental socioeconomic and sociopolitical dimensions.
There are now 88 districts covering some 31,400 gram panchayats and around 119,000 villages that fall in the left-wing extremism-affected category. The states that are suffering the most are Jharkhand (17 districts out of 24), Odisha (18 districts out of 30) and Chhattisgarh (14 districts out of 27). Parts of West Bengal (three districts out of 19), Bihar (11 districts out of 38), Maharashtra (four districts out of 36), Andhra Pradesh (four districts out of 13), Telangana (four districts out of 10) , Madhya Pradesh (11 districts out of 51) and Uttar Pradesh (three districts out of 75) are also confronting this problem.
While each state has its own background—caste, for instance, plays a dominant role in Bihar—there are five broad features that characterize most of these areas. First, an overwhelming majority of these districts have a substantial population of tribal communities. Second, an overwhelming majority of the districts have a significant area under good quality forest cover. Third, a large number of these districts are rich in minerals such as coal, bauxite and iron ore. Fourth, in a number of states, these districts are remote from the seat of political power and are large entities. Fifth, the worst-affected areas are located in bi-junctions or tri-junctions of different states. Each of these features must form part of an anti-Maoist strategy.
The might of the Indian state is present significantly in the Naxalite-affected areas—71 battalions of central paramilitary forces with nearly 71,000 personnel have been deployed. They have a vital role in backing the state police, who must be in the front line of both intelligence gathering and operations. This is how Andhra Pradesh was successful in dealing with this issue over the past three decades. But security operations alone cannot and should not be the driving force; that driving force has necessarily to be development and addressing the daily concerns of people, who have every reason to feel alienated.
Massive reform of the forest administration at the cutting edge so that the daily concerns of tribal families are met is the need of the hour. The forest bureaucracy has needlessly victimized tribals in state after state seeing them as trespassers. Mining and irrigation projects have caused massive displacement over the past five decades. Rehabilitation and resettlement for large numbers of displaced people has yet to be completed satisfactorily. Worse, there are large numbers of tribals who have been subjected to repeated displacements. The new land acquisition law passed by Parliament in 2013 goes a long way in setting things right, but then, this legislation is about to get diluted. If this happens, the Maoists will score a big propaganda victory.
It is not the Naxalites who have created the ground conditions ripe for the acceptance of their ideology—it is the singular failure of successive governments in both the states concerned and at the centre to protect the dignity and the constitutional rights of the poor and the disadvantaged that has created a fertile breeding ground for violence and given the Naxalites the space to speak the language of social welfare, which, in reality, is a cloak to build their guerrilla bases and recruit, most tragically, women and children. Extremist groups may indeed be receiving financial and material assistance from abroad, but the root cause of why they have spread their influence lies in domestic factors and have more to do more tribal discontent, deprivation and displacement.
There are a couple of success stories we can draw lessons from. In Menda Lekha village of Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra, the gram sabha has got complete control over cultivation and trade in bamboo. Maoists don’t like this, but the gram sabha has become financially empowered. This needs to be replicated wherever community forest rights have been recognized by law. The most powerful example of transformation is in the Saranda region of Paschimi Singhbhum district of Jharkhand. After the success of the Central Reserve Police Force in liberating this area in July-August 2011 from the Maoists after their domination for nearly two decades, a large number of development initiatives were launched by the Union ministry of rural development covering employment, roads, housing, water supply, watershed management, livelihoods and women’s self-help groups. It took time to build the credibility of the civilian administration among the local people. But after repeated ministerial visits, a positive sentiment gained ground and a new sense of confidence and assertiveness among them became very visible.
The Saranda success was replicated in a couple of other areas in Jharkhand, as well as in some parts of Odisha and West Bengal. In West Bengal, the chief minister has played a key role in reviving political activity in the Jangalmahal region, which used to be a bastion of the Maoists. This is very important—where political parties are active in mobilization and grievance redressal, Maoist outfits are weak, and where political parties have abdicated their natural role, extremist organizations have sought to fill the vacuum.
A “developmentalist” strategy alone will not do. Nor will a strategy based on the overriding primacy of paramilitary and police action will yield long-term results. The two must go hand in hand at all times, deriving strength from each other. At the same time, we must be prepared to redress the injustices of the past and to be seen to be both responsible and responsive to the plight and concerns of scheduled tribe communities especially. Only then will the tide of Naxalism be stemmed.
The author is a Rajya Sabha MP and a former U

Internet services blocked in Vadodara after riots

Internet services blocked in Vadodara after riots

TNN | Sep 28, 2014, 04.31 AM IST
Internet services blocked in Vadodara after riots

RAF personnel try to douse fire on a scooter following fresh communal violence in Vadodara.
VADODARA: To control rumours in the city after two days of rioting, the city police has ordered mobile service providers to discontinue mobile internet services for three days beginning Saturday morning. The decision came as a surprise to most citizens and to many it meant inconvenience in business.

Cellular data services, including 2G and 3G internet services barring landline broadband, group SMS as well as MMS services were ordered shut till Tuesday morning. No formal announcement was made regarding this by the city police or the internet service providers.

Several Walled City areas witnessed heavy rioting on Thursday and Friday. The trouble began in Fatehpura after a tuition class owner posted a morphed picture of a famous Muslim religious shrine. The riots then spread to many other areas.

Vadodara police commissioner E Radhakrishnan said the decision had become necessary as there was a lot of rumour mongering on Friday due to messaging services. "If the situation remains peaceful, we may allow the services to continue before Tuesday," he said.



(RAF personnel fire tear gas shells following fresh communal violence in Vadodara.)


However, the decision has not gone down well with people whose businesses and daily interactions were affected adversely due to disruption of mobile internet services. "Shutting down internet is meaningless as miscreants can cause problems even through phone calls. This should not have been done without a warning," said Malcolm D'souza, a social media marketing executive.



(Several motorcycles were burned during clashes between two different religious groups in Vadodara.)


"With online business it is very difficult to stay without internet for a moment also. Mobile internet going down is crippling and causes panic. It puts one in a situation of constant fear of not being able to deliver a critical message or email on time," said Saumil Joshi, founder of a page dedicated to Vadodara on a social media website.

While people addicted to mobile messaging applications took to social media and micro-blogging websites to voice their frustrations, some even took the internet blockade in their stride. "Since the broadband connections were active, work routine is not affected. However, I am happy that it has saved a lot of time and increased productivity since mobile texting applications were down too," said Punit Jain another entrepreneu

The Rot In The Assam Rifles

The Rot In The Assam Rifles
All is not well with the Assam Rifles. A Tehelka exposé shows how corruption has spread its tentacles to the very top of the country’s largest paramilitary force. By Shyju Marathumpilly
An insurgency or a low-intensity war is not new to the Seven Sister states - Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura - in northeastern India. The people in these states have suffered it for a long time now. However, TEHELKA brings to you a different story from the hill states. This is a story about a war that needs to be fought from within.
The malaise of corruption, which runs deep in our society, has spread to matters concerning national security. This should be a rude wake-up call for the Central government, the armed forces and the public alike. Corruption is eating into the vitals of the Assam Rifles, a force spearheading counter-insurgency operations in India’s Northeast. And as it assumes alarming proportions, Assam Rifles is turning out be a bad advertisement for India’s paramilitary forces.
In the past, there were certain allegations made against India’s oldest paramilitary force with regard to the use (and misuse) of the discretionary funds. However, Tehelka reveals a clear and present danger in the organised manner in which some Assam Rifles personnel are taking cuts from contractors for the smooth passage of tenders, thereby tarnishing the organisation as a whole. The bribes are openly taken by the men in uniform sitting inside their respective offices.

TEHELKA penetrated the Assam Rifles and the unseemly activities we uncovered would make you cringe with shame. On the one hand, we see innocent jawans dying for the nation. On the other hand, there are uniformed officials taking a bribe. It poses a serious threat to national security and could affect the morale of the jawans.
Many officials in the Assam Rifles are appointed on deputation from the Indian Army. TEHELKA’s investigation finds that most of them, after their stint at the Assam Rifles, return to their home unit with a huge amount of illicit wealth. Shockingly, the corruption is institutionalised; it happens in an organised manner and the well-planned racket includes clerks and high-ranking officials alike.
Tough battle While the soldiers of the Assam Rifles are fighting rebels, some officers are busy minting money
How It Is Done 
Every financial year, the Central government makes budgetary allocations for the security forces. In this year’s budget (2014-15), the Assam Rifles has been allocated Rs 3,580 crore. (The corresponding budgetary allocation for the Assam Rifles for 2013-14 was Rs 3,358 crore and Rs 2,966 crore for 2012-13.)

Construction projects envisioned under the annual budget are implemented through tenders. Officials at every level make sure that they get their share of money every time a proposal moves from one table to another. The contractors who pay bribe reveal that for any project, 30 percent of its cost goes straight into the officials’ pockets. This adversely affects the quality of the construction activity. Such is the extent of the rot in the Assam Rifles that officials openly accept money in their offices.
The modus operandi is simple. A contractor, who floats a tender for any construction activity in the area administered by the Assam Rifles, is supposed to go through a particular network to disburse cash at every level. The booty is shared by lower-level clerks as well as the director-general, who is of lieutenant-general rank. The high-ranking officials do not take cash directly; their subordinates do it on their behalf.
A senior contractor who has been in this business for the past seven years rues the day he decided to take up this profession. His grouse is quite valid. If a tender is worth Rs 1 crore, then 30 percent of it (Rs 30 lakh) needs to be spent on ensuring that there are no bottlenecks in the smooth execution of the project. In other words, that 30 percent disappears without even the project getting started.
“Thirty percent of a proposed tender has to be given to various officers in the Assam Rifles. Sometimes it can go up to 35 percent. We have to manage with the money left for arranging for raw materials, labourers and, of course, the profit,” says the senior contractor. Consequently, quality suffers.
“First you float a tender and in order to get that passed, it has to go to Shillong (Meghalaya). There you have to pay 5-8 percent. If you don’t pay, then the tender will not move an inch from there. Your project will be over before it can be launched. The bottom line is that this 30 percent has to be given at any cost,” the senior contractor explains.
“The total expense is 30 percent, but the bribe money is not paid in one go; it moves in a phased manner, first at the tendering stage, then at the billing phase and so on. A major share of it is cornered by SO1 (Special Officer 1), where a tender originates.”
The Contractors 
In all, there are 543 contractors registered with the Assam Rifles. Basically, there are five types of contractors. They are categorised as: Special, A,B, C and D classes. The classification is done on the basis of money involved. Those in the Special class can take up projects involving unlimited sums of money. The contractors in the A and B categories are eligible for projects worth Rs 2 crore and Rs 1 crore, respectively. Those in the remaining two categories (C and D) are into projects with even less money. New contractors automatically fall in the D category; according to their performance, they are promoted to the higher categories.

How The Booty Is Shared 
The procedure for sharing the ill-gotten money is very systematic. Five percent goes to the sector where the work is allotted. In some cases, it could go up to 10 percent. Another 5 percent goes to the DGR (Director General Resettlement). Then the unit where the bill goes to, comes into the picture; it gets another 5 percent. When the bill returns to the sector, 3 percent has to be given to the officials and another 5 percent to the DGR. And, finally, there is a 7 percent VAT(value added tax), which brings the total to 30 percent. This is how the gravy train runs. Apart from this, 1 percent has to be given to the accounts department, from where payments are released.

Operation Hilltop
Tehelka followed a contractor as he paid money to the officials of the Assam Rifles. Last year, the contractor erected a pre-fabricated shelter at the Tamanglong district headquarters in Manipur at a cost of Rs 24 lakh, for which he had already paid 16 percent of the project cost as bribe to various officials to acquire the tender. Now, he gives another 18 percent of the cost as bribe to officials to get the bill passed. This time, TEHELKA followed him and for the first time in the history of India, officials in combat uniform are caught red handed — on camera — accepting money! It included a colonel and two lieutenant colonels. Shockingly, the chief of the Assam Rifles also took his share in the deal, indirectly through his subordinates. Junior Commissioned Officer (JCO) H Deb received the money on behalf of his superiors, including the DG, ADG and the Chief Engineer.
SAREES, CAKES AND SCOTCH
As mentioned earlier, there have been allegations of misappropriation of funds against the Assam Rifles. Records show that most of the misappropriated money was spent on showering gifts upon officials of the home ministry and senior army generals.
Those gifts included silk sarees, cakes and sweets for the ministry officials and a bottle of scotch each for the home secretary and the army chief. These were some of the items on which money was spent from the discretionary fund of Assam Rifles, which otherwise is essentially meant for the welfare and sundry needs of the country’s oldest paramilitary force. In this year’s budget (2014-15), the Assam Rifles has been allocated a sum of Rs 3,580 crore. (The corresponding budgetary allocation for the force in 2013-14 was Rs 3,358 crore and Rs 2,966 crore for the year 2012-13.)
The misuse of the discretionary fund controlled by the Director General of Assam Rifles seems to be an almost daily occurrence. The Army Headquarters, the sources said, had documentary evidence that an officer spent at least Rs 23,000 for personal expenses, especially on his wife. An initial probe conducted by the Army Headquarters had established the authenticity of the documents.
Deb: Give me three (thousand) more.
Contractor: Please leave three, sir.
Deb: I have to give. Please understand.
Contractor: (Laughs)
Deb: I have to give to Limbu (Subedar, Engineer JCO) and others, including those who take 5 percent.
It all began when a C-level contractor working with the Assam Rifles, CC Mathew, a native of Kerala, approached TEHELKA. A former jawan, Mathew wanted to expose the corruption in the Assam Rifles. Before approaching TEHELKA, he went to various media organisations for help. But, only to return home disappointed. However, the Special Investigation Team of TEHELKA joined hands with this whistleblower.
Our sting operation started with the clerical staff and went right up to the top. Subedar Gautam Chakravarti not only insisted on getting his share of the money to clear the bill but also ensured that the contractor paid the balance amount from a previous project to a Lt Col Kakar, who had been subsequently transferred to a different location. After receiving the money on behalf of Lt Col Kakar, Chakravarti even calls him up to give him the “good news”.
Chakravarti: Give if you want to. Otherwise forget…
Chakravarti (On phone): Sir, there is a good news. Mathew has given your share of 20 thousand. (Hands over the phone to Mathew.)
Contractor Mathew (On phone): Sir, whatever was pending in the bill of 30 lakhs, that has been given.
An officer, identified as Lt Col Gogoi, directs Mathew to hand over the money to his subordinate.
Lt Col Gogoi: Working over here is a little tricky… Give my share to the saab sitting there (points his finger in that direction.)
And Subedar P Limbu receives the money for his superior and for himself.
Subedar Limbu: (While counting) What did sir say?
Contractor: Sir asked me to hand over his share to you.
BK Sarkar is a senior accountant officer in the Pay and Accounts Office, Directorate-General of Assam Rifles — the highest post in the accounts department. The moment the TEHELKA team entered his cabin, he took out all previous bills of contractor Mathew, calculated his own share of money in the deal and asked us to first clear his dues.
SENTINELS OF THE NORTHEAST
The Assam Rifles, raised as Cachar Levy in 1835, is the oldest Central paramilitary force in India. It was raised mainly to guard the alluvial plains of Assam from the "wild and unruly" tribes inhabiting the surrounding hill tracts. This was the earliest embodied unit of what eventually developed into the Assam Rifles. Its long association with the region reflects in the force being fondly called ‘The Sentinels of the Northeast’ and ‘Friends of the Hill People’.
Today, the Assam Rifles has 46 battalions and it has the dual role of maintaining internal security in the northeastern region and guarding the India-Myanmar border. Variously designated and reorganised from time to time, as the Assam Frontier Police (1883), the Assam Military Police (1891) and Eastern Bengal and Assam Military Police (1913), it came to be known by its current name in 1917 in recognition of its contribution to the war effort during World War I. Officers of the Assam Rifles have been on deputation from the Indian Army since 1884 and it is today, on a per capita basis, the highest decorated security force in the country.
Source: assamrifles.gov.in
TEHELKA’s investigation reveals that over the years, some of these officials have accumulated a huge amount of illicit wealth. Sources say that a senior officer of the Assam Rifles is allegedly building a five-star hotel in the Northeast with his ill-gotten wealth.
TEHELKA has learnt that a camp near Imphal is soon going to be vacated for another project to be sanctioned for building a new camp, thus minting more money. Likewise, there are many such projects being floated around unnecessarily.
Another shocker is that a contractor has constructed his own warehouse inside the Assam Rifles camp. He claims to have taken the DIG’s permission. The warehouse is used to store raw materials and equipment required for construction purposes. The camp cannot be used for such purposes; it is totally illegal. A contractor, Suresh, confessed on camera that he has built the warehouse for his personal purpose inside the sensitive zone with the DIG’s permission.
Contractor Suresh: This whole location is built by us since its inception. I have taken this area. I have got permission from the DIG for this.
In the past, there have been allegations of financial irregularities against the high and mighty in the Assam Rifles, but those cases hardly reached a logical conclusion. It raises a serious question about the functioning of both the Intelligence Bureau and the Vigilance Department. However, the question that must worry everyone is how can these greedy officials be trusted with national security? Is our country safe from the nefarious designs of our external enemies?
These illegal practices are bound to cast a big shadow on an entity like the Assam Rifles. The players involved in the corruption are those assigned to desk work, namely, clerks, JCOs, engineers and other officials. In contrast, the soldiers who risk their lives in counter-insurgency operations get paid less compared to those who do office jobs.
In the end, everyone gets tarnished because of the greed of a few. That would be an insult to the combat soldier whose unflinching devotion to duty is in stark contrast to the unscrupulous ways of the office staff. This racket is bound to hurt the soldiers more than the bullets of insurgents.

LOSING THE BATTLE WITH STRESS
This unholy practice of corruption is followed by individuals who do not have to even as much as swat a fly, compared to the soldiers who risk their lives every day in the discharge of their duties. Moreover, the soldiers on combat duty hardly get any time for socialising; getting leave is not easy either.
Their inability to meet their families pushes them into a depressive state of mind; which, in turn, is known to have forced some of them to take recourse to extreme measures such as shooting themselves or their superiors.
In fact, the issue of the plight of jawans of paramilitary forces figured in the Rajya Sabha in 2012 when the MPs took up the stressful working conditions of the jawans and demanded that the Central government initiate steps to improve their poor service conditions. Subsequently, in October that year, the government decided to introduce a ‘buddy’ scheme to de-stress the jawans.
The chiefs of all Central paramilitary forces were asked to adopt the system whereby a jawan could share his problems with a fellow jawan. The directive was issued in the wake of rising cases of suicides and fragging, or fratricidal killings, by paramilitary troopers who guard the country’s borders, help maintain internal security and keep vigil at key installations. The idea behind introducing the scheme was that a jawan could, in the company of his fellow jawan, “unburden” himself and also warn seniors about one another’s mental state before it is too late.
Although the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) and the Assam Rifles started the buddy scheme, it was not properly implemented. It is now in a limbo. Out of a total of 45,981 jawans seeking premature retirement in 2012, the Border Security Force topped with 22,260; followed by Central Reserve Police Force 11,300; Assam Rifles 5,600; CISF 3,600; Indo-Tibetan Border Police 1,600; and Sashastra Seema Bal 1,400.
More than 450 paramilitary jawans have committed suicide between 2007 and 2011, according to figures accessed from reliable sources, while there have been 64 cases of fragging (soldiers killing a superior.) In 2011, Assam Rifles recorded eight cases of suicides and one case of fratricide within its ranks.

THE KILLING FIELDS OF MANIPUR
In spite of a dramatic decline in fatalities in Manipur in 2013, it is evident that the militants continue to execute attacks on the security forces at will. According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal database, the total fatalities stood at 110 (25 civilians, 12 security personnel and 73 militants) in 2012; the corresponding figures for 2013 were 55 fatalities, comprising 21 civilians, six security personnel and 28 militants killed in 10 incidents. The year 2013 recorded 76 incidents of bomb blasts, in which 24 people were killed and 103 injured. (A total of 107 incidents of explosions had been recorded in 2012, though the number of fatalities was nine with 90 persons injured.) Between 2005 and 2013, a total of 381 security personnel have lost their lives in the Northeast.

How the Naveen Jindal group may be conducting proxy mining in Odisha

How the Naveen Jindal group may be conducting proxy mining in Odisha
The Jindal Group has been accused of illegally controlling an iron ore mine in Odisha. A Scroll investigation goes behind the corporate veil to find the real owner.
Supriya Sharma
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Photo Credit: gurunanakroadlines.com

In August 2011, a team of officials from Odisha’s department of steel and mines visited Thakurani B, one of the largest iron ore mines in the state, with 270 million tonnes of reserves. The team found that Sarda Mines Private Limited, the company that holds the mining rights to Thakurani B, had sold the entire unprocessed ore from the mine to another company, Jindal Steel and Power Limited, at less than 10% of the market price. The chairman of Jindal Steel and Power Limited is former Congress MP, Naveen Jindal. 

Why would SMPL sell ore cheaply to an unrelated company?

“The major benefit of the mine is flowing to M/s JSPL,” said the department report. This amounted to “transferring the interest in the mining lease” in violation of Rule 37 of the Mines and Mineral Development and Regulation Act 1957.

Under Rule 37, the holder of a mining lease cannot transfer, sublet or mortgage it without the consent of the state government.

Looking at Thakurani B more closely, a commission led by former judge MB Shah, tasked with investigating illegal mining in India, placed on record the allegations that SMPL was controlled and financed by a firm whose directors were also the directors of Jindal group companies.

“This corporate veil is required to be further investigated, layer by layer,” it said, “to know the exact control/finance of the Thakurani mining lease.”

What shareholding documents reveal

Regulatory filings made by SMPL with the Ministry of Corporate Affairs, and accessed byScroll, show that individuals and firms associated with the Naveen Jindal group have owned shares of the company operating Thakurani B since September 30, 2006.

In November 2001, three months after the mining lease was given to them, brothers Sunderlal Sarda and Mohan Lal Sarda approached the government of Odisha seeking permission to transfer their mining rights to a company. They said that if the mine was housed in a corporate entity, it would make it easier for them to raise bank funds for mining operations.

On June 22, 2006, the government of Orissa allowed the transfer of the mining lease from the Sarda family to a company, Sarda Mines Private Limited, which was then fully owned by members of the Sarda family.

Three months later, on September 30, 2006, the family’s shareholding in the company plunged to 1%, as SMPL issued shares worth Rs 2.45 crore each to Dinkar Trading and Timeless Home Builders.

Dinkar Trading was incorporated on December 12, 2005. Its largest shareholder was Mineral Management Services. Naveen Jindal held 60% of shares in MMS as on September 30, 2005, and 52% as on September 30, 2006. A month before Dinkar Trading bought the shares of SMPL, MMS divested its stake in the company. In October 2006, Dinkar Trading changed its name to Sarda Merchandise, and Timeless Home Builders became Sarda Heights and Dales.

The table shows how the shareholding pattern of the companies changed.

Table: How the ownership of the companies changed





Several shareholders and directors of both the controlling firms are associated with the Jindal Group.

Azad Bhura held several positions in Jindal’s hydro-power businesses and was director in Jindal Power Trading Company in 2011-12.

Vikas Sharma has held 33% of Jindal Realty (then Duce Properties) between September 30, 2006, and January 1, 2007.

Rajeev Jain is a director at Jindal Realty and other Jindal group firms. He is also a director at both the companies holding stake in SMPL.

Jagran Agents’ shareholders in 2007 included Anand Goel, SP Singh, Rajeev Jain and Azad Bhura, all of whom have been directors at several Jindal Group firms.

PC Mittal is the Vice President (legal) at Shree Vaishnav Agarsain Gaushala, a cow shelter run by the Jindal family at Hisar.

Vineet Jain was the director of Jindal Realty at the time he picked up shares in Sarda Heights and Dales.

Arjun Saraswat, who holds more than 50% of SMPL’s shares, is a director and shareholder in several companies whose most significant business transactions are with companies associated with JSPL. He is the director and shareholder in Zurich Securities. As of March 2010, its balance sheet was Rs 185 crore – Rs 109 crore of borrowings from Oswal Chemicals and Fertilisers, a company promoted by Abhey Oswal, Naveen Jindal’s father-in-law, and Rs 74 crore from Natma Securities, a firm which shares directors with Jindal group companies.

Saraswat is also a director in Blackrock Securities since September 2008. Until 2012, the latest data available, 45% of Blackrock was held by New Delhi Exim, a company named by the Central Bureau of Investigation in a coal-block allotment case along with Naveen Jindal and former coal minister Dasari Narayana Rao.

On Twitter, Arjun Saraswat follows only one person: Naveen Jindal.

Also noteworthy is the fact that Sarda Merchandise and Sarda Heights and Dales have the same registered address as Jindal Realty, a Jindal group company named by the CBI in a coal-block allotment case: Flat No. 1104, 11th Floor, 89, Nehru Place, New Delhi.

A spokesperson of JSPL declined to comment on the ownership of Thakurani B, saying “the matter was sub judice”.

Proxy ownership and revenue losses 

The transfer of ownership of SMPL to individuals and firms associated with the Jindal group helps explain why SMPL sold ore cheaply to JSPL. The 2011 report of Odisha’s department of steel and mines said that the underpricing of ore had caused losses to the state by depriving it of royalties and taxes. If the sale price had been closer to the market price, the state would have earned ten times the amount in royalties.

Underreporting of the price of ore mined from Thakurani B also depressed the rate of royalty for the rest of the state. Mineral royalty is calculated on the basis of average price charged by the ten largest mines in the state. Thakurani B was one of them.

In addition, the report pointed out that JSPL processed the ore in crushing units that were operating in the leasehold area without the state’s permission. This had deprived the state of taxes that it could have levied on the processing of ore.

The JSPL spokesperson told Scroll that the department’s findings were “not justified at all” since the ore needed a lot of processing, whereas the department report had compared it to the price of calibrated lumpy ore of the best grade.

The Shah Commission documented other irregularities in the mine. The mine had operated without environmental clearance for four years. In subsequent years, the mineral extracted had been beyond permissible limits. Altogether, 28.2 million tonnes of iron ore had been mined in Thakurani B in violation of the mining and environmental laws, the commission found.

An email to the management of SMPL went unanswered. Arjun Saraswat, the director of SMPL, did not respond to phone calls.

The Thakurani B mine is located in Keonjhar, one of the poorest districts in Odisha, which is one of the poorest states of India. According to the Shah Commission, iron ore and manganese worth Rs 59,203 crore was illegally mined in Odisha’s Keonjhar and Sundargarh districts between 2000-'10. The commission has recommended that the state recover this amount from the companies and use it for the development of the two districts to “remove the poverty of the tribals who are affected or whose lands are used for mining purpose”. According to the commission, Thakurani B mine alone accounted for illegally mined iron ore worth Rs 2,845 crore.

The case in the Supreme Court

In September 2013, on the petition of an Odisha-based journalist, Rabi Das, the Supreme Court directed the Central Empowered Committee, a panel of independent experts, to study the allegations of violations at Thakurani B mine. In the course of its investigation, the Central Empowered Committee sent a list of questions to the Odisha government.

One of those pertained to Rule 37. “In the private limited company, the original lease holder(s) hold about 1% of the equity shares whereas 99% are held by others. Will this amount to violation of Rule 37 particularly when such a view has been taken by the State in other cases,” it asked.

The Central Empowered Committee is expected to submit its report to the Supreme Court soon.

If the Central Empowered Committee were to uphold the charge of Rule 37 violation, it would have a two-fold implication.

Those controlling Thakurani B would risk losing mining rights.

Two, it could also jeopardise JSPL’s case for Thakurani A, the adjoining mine that the company has been seeking to acquire on the promise of investments in iron and steel projects in Odisha. But the state’s assurance of captive raw material for the company’s projects is conditional to JSPL not having an existing mining area “or controlling interest in any company or concern having mining areas for the relevant mineral in the state”.

Such conditions are usually laid down by state governments to prevent the concentration of ownership of mineral resources in the hands of a few. To enforce the conditions, Rule 37 is vital, for it allows the state to keep tabs on the ownership of mines.

There is, however, a legal technicality that could preempt the owners of Thakurani B facing an adverse order in the Supreme Court.

Last year, after the judges ordered an enquiry into Thakurani B, SMPL’s lawyers argued that Odisha High Court was already examining the mine for violation of Rule 37, and hence the Central Empowered Committee investigation should be restricted to forest and environmental violations. In January, the Supreme Court accepted the argument, which means Rule 37 might well lie outside the purview of the Central Empowered Committee report.

The second part of the series will look at the larger implications of the case of Thakurani B for India’s mining sector.
We welcome your comments



वो वीर नियोगी था जिसने अपना खून बहाया था 


छत्तीसगढ़ की धरती में लाल-हरा का झंडा लहराया था...शंकर गुहा नियोगी पर कविताक्रांतिकारी शंकर गुहा नियोगी की शहादत दिवस मनाते हुए रायपुर, छत्तीसगढ़ से साथी भागीरथी वर्मा उन पर लिखी एक कविता सुना रहे हैं: 

छत्तीसगढ़ की धरती में लाल-हरा का झंडा लहराया था
मजदूर-किसानों के लिए वो वीर नियोगी था जिसने अपना खून बहाया था
छत्तीसगढ़ की धरती में...
सोये हुए मज़दूर-किसानों को वो वीर ने जगाया था
बेईमानों को ललकारा था, खाली हाँथ आया है तू खाली हाँथ जाएगा
छत्तीसगढ़ की धरती में.…
जन-आन्दोलन देखकर मक्कारों ने घबराया था
राज-द्रोही बनाकर उस वीर को जेलों में ठुसवाया था
छत्तीसगढ़ की धरती में.…
जल्लाद जेलर ने भी उस वीर के साथ कैसा दुर्व्यवहार रचाया था
बीसों नाखून खींचकर अँगुलियों को लहूलुहान बनाया था
28 सितम्बर 1991 की सुनसानी रात
उद्योगपतियों ने मिलकर उस वीर के सीने में गोली मरवाया था
उस वीर के अंत होने से, समाजसेवी और मजदूर-किसानों ने रोया था
छत्तीसगढ़ की धरती में लाल-हरा का झंडा लहराया था...

Posted on: Sep 28, 2014. Tags: Bhagirathi Verma


व्‍हाइट हाउस के बाहर लगे मोदी विरोधी नारे, समर्थकों और विरोधियों के बीच हाथापाई की नौबत

व्‍हाइट हाउस के बाहर लगे मोदी विरोधी नारे, समर्थकों और विरोधियों के बीच हाथापाई की नौबत

dainikbhaskar.com|Sep 30, 2014, 12:41PM IST

1 of 4
व्‍हाइट हाउस के बाहर लगे मोदी विरोधी नारे, समर्थकों और विरोधियों के बीच हाथापाई की नौबत
फोटो: व्‍हाइट हाउस के पास मोदी विरोधी और प्रशंसक आमने-सामने आ गए थे।
 
वाशिंगटन। प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी अमेरिकी राष्‍ट्रपति बराक ओबामा द्वारा आयोजित डिनर कार्यक्रम में शिरकत करने मंगलवार सुबह जब व्‍हाइट हाउस पहुंचे तो वहां भी उनके खिलाफ विरोध प्रदर्शन हुए। अमेरिका के राष्‍ट्रपति आवास के पास सिख और कश्‍मीरी संगठनों से जुड़े लोगों ने मोदी के खिलाफ नारे लगाए। यहां पर मोदी के समर्थक भी काफी तादाद में मौजूद थे। रिपोर्टों के मुताबिक, दोनों पक्ष आमने-सामने आ गए थे, लेकिन पुलिस ने बीच-बचाव कर मामले को शांत कराया। इससे पहले मैडिसन स्‍क्‍वायर गार्डन के पास भी मोदी का जबर्दस्‍त विरोध हुआ था और पोस्‍टरों में उनको हत्‍यारा बताया गया था।
 
व्‍हाइट हाउस के पास मोदी का विरोध
मोदी जब व्‍हाइट हाउस पहुंचने वाले थे तो उससे पहले कश्‍मीरी और सिख अलगाववादियों का छोटा समूह उनके खिलाफ प्रदर्शन कर रहा था। इनके हाथों में पोस्‍टर थे और ये मोदी विरोधी नारे लगा रहे थे। हालांकि, मोदी के काफिले के पहुंचने से पहले पेन्सिलवेनिया एवेन्‍यू (व्‍हाइट हाउस और यूनाइटेड स्‍टेट्स कैपिटल) को पूरी तरह सील कर दिया गया था और मोदी विरोधियों को पुलिस ने काफी पीछे धकेल दिया था।