Friday, August 29, 2014

मैं तैयार हूँ

मैं तैयार हूँ

सुना है छत्तीसगढ़ सरकार ने मेरे छत्तीसगढ़ से निकलने के बाद मेरे नक्सलवादी होने के बहुत सारे मुकदमे बना दिए हैं . 

अभी हाल में ही एक सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता जब एक अदालत में छत्तीसगढ़ पुलिस के खिलाफ बयान दर्ज करवा रहे थे और जब उन्होंने अदालत को बताया कि पुलिस की बदमाशियों की जानकारी उन्हें हिमांशु कुमार से मिली थी ,और जब वो उन घटनाओं की जांच करने और पीड़ित आदिवासियों से मिलने गए तो पुलिस ने ही उन पर हमला कर दिया .

इस पर सरकारी वकील ने अदालत में कहा कि हिमांशु कुमार तो फरार अपराधी है .

सरकार द्वारा आदिवासियों के गाँव जलाने , आदिवासी बूढों और बच्चों की हत्याओं ,आदिवासी लड़कियों के साथ पुलिस द्वारा बलात्कार के अनेकों मामले मैंने अदालत में दायर किये हुए हैं .

मुझे डराने के लिए सरकार ने मेरे अनेकों आदिवासी कार्यकर्ताओं को जेल में डाल दिया . सोनी सोरी को प्रताड़ित कर के मेरे नक्सलवादी होने के कबूलनामे पर हस्ताक्षर करवाने की कोशिश करी , लेकिन जब सोनी नहीं मानी तो उसे बिजली के झटके दिए और सज़ा के तौर पर उसके गुप्तांगों में पत्थर भर दिए .

छत्तीसगढ़ से निकलने के बाद से आज तक मैं एक दिन के लिए भी कहीं छिपा नहीं . टीवी की चर्चाओं में आता हूँ . सर्वोच्च न्यायालय में छत्तीसगढ़ पुलिस के सामने मौजूद रहता हूँ . पत्र पत्रिकाओं में लिखता हूँ . सभाओं और रैलियों में शामिल होता हूँ . 

फिर भी छत्तीसगढ़ सरकार का यह कहना कि मैं फरार हूँ . यह सरकार की बदमाशी के अलावा कुछ नहीं है .

मैं चाहता हूँ कि सरकार जब चाहे मुझे गिरफ्तार करे , मुझे भी अन्य आदिवासियों की तरह जेल में सताए . चाहे तो जेल में मुझे मार डाले .

सत्य के इस रास्ते पर चलना शुरू करने से पहले मुझे अपने इस तरह के अंत  की उम्मीद थी .

मैं तैयार हूँ
.
himanshu kumar 

Reflections on Solidarity for Palestine in India: Urvashi Sarkar

Reflections on Solidarity for Palestine in India: Urvashi Sarkar

AUGUST 28, 2014
Guest post by URVASHI SARKAR
Some sections of Indian civil society have reacted to Israel’s most recent brutalities in Gaza with outrage, and rightly so. In its pounding of Gaza which lasted over a month, Israel destroyed essential services and infrastructure, razed houses to debris and wiped out entire families.  Over 2000 Palestinians were killed, many of them civilians, and of which over 400 were children. On the Israeli side, sixty-four soldiers and four civilians died. A shaky ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, announced in early August, did not last, with hostilities resuming almost immediately.
It is not uncommon to hear Indian voices supporting Palestine even at a time when right wing forces hold sway in the country; yet there is more to this support than meets the eye. There are internal differences on the matter of Kashmir for instance, regarding the extent to which parallels can be drawn between the Palestine and Kashmir conflicts.  The actualization of both conflicts dates back to the 1940s.  Both regions are heavily militarized; its people suffer routine human rights violations and both are undergoing prolonged self-determination struggles. Each year, Kashmir joins different parts of the world to observe Al-Quds day, held on the last Friday of Ramzan, to observe solidarity with the Palestinian struggle.  Popular anti-India protest sites in Kashmir, such as Ramban Chowk and Maisuma, are referred to as ‘Gaza’ in local parlance.  A Kashmiri teenager lost his life during firing by security forces, in an anti-Israel protest in South Kashmir in July this year.
Yet, as senior journalist Shujaat Bukhari argues: “Whenever Muslims have been repressed anywhere in the world, Kashmiris have expressed solidarity. But it is difficult to compare the two. Kashmir represents a political problem in South Asia and involves the disputing claims of three countries- India, Pakistan and China. Even though there are similarities, the dynamics and contexts of Kashmir and Palestine are different.”
When it comes to mobilizing, it is more common to see Indian civil society coming out in support of Palestine than Kashmir, and this leads to accusations of hypocrisy from some sections within the solidarity camp.
Mobilizations on August 9, 2014
Protests have been held in different parts of India to condemn Israel’s latest brutalities in Gaza.  One of them, held in July, near the Israel embassy in Delhi turned violent with the Delhi Police attacking protesters with batons and detaining them at a police station. Women were injured in the protest too. Many establishments in parts of Mumbai boycotted the sale of Israeli and American brands.
On August 9, when masses mobilized across the world in solidarity with Gaza, protests were reported from different parts of India, including Ahmedabad, Jalgaon and BangaloreBut the few hundreds who turned up for the Delhi protests, the major Indian city of mobilization, were no match for the several thousands who mobilized in London and Cape Town and other parts of the world. Delhi also witnessed two different protests on the same day in which more than 70 organizations participated. Most of these organizations were represented at Jantar Mantar, and others near the Israel embassy.  Several activists did agree that more numbers on a single platform would have sent out a greater message for solidarity, but also felt that it was a positive sign that people were turning out in support of Palestine, even if on different platforms.
The left, usually at the forefront of dissent against most forms of oppression, has divisions which impact solidarity.  According to a political commentator close to the Indian left,  certain ‘sectarian sections’ of the left in India insist on bringing every item on their agenda to every protest, and refuse to unite on a common minimum programme in wider solidarity actions. Such sections want all groups participating in a common protest to endorse their own stand on everything from Kashmir to Maoism – even though the protest may be about a completely different issue.  This is unlike the situation in Europe, where cities witness massive demonstrations, since different hues of the left spectrum are able to come together on some crucial issues.
Some attribute this to differences in methods and tactics, not politics, but it cannot be denied that solidarity suffers in the end.
The dilution of solidarity for Palestine has manifested itself in other ways as well. The issue of Palestine has been painted as a ‘Muslim issue’. However, Palestine is home not only to Muslim Arabs but also Christians and Jews.  Many Palestine supporters across the world are not Muslim either.
Arguments labeling Hamas a terrorist/militant Islamist organization also fit within this discourse. While Hamas is not beyond scrutiny, it must be emphasized that while it represents a particular ideology among national liberation movements which is religious, its goals are political – the liberation of and the establishment of an independent Palestine. The vilification of Islam, a legacy of the US war on terror, is also practiced by the Indian state.  Therefore, possible broader support for the Palestinian resistance has been undercut – especially by media references – which portray the Palestine problem as a Muslim problem.
Many activists, artists, and concerned citizens are part of Indian Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel (InCACBI) which is opposed to India’s strategic, scientific, military and economic relations with Israel. But the incumbent government’s close ties with Israel are clear – it sought to buy the Barak missile from Israel, ironically after it became one of the 29 countries which voted for an international probe into Israel’s offensive in Gaza at the UN Human Rights Council. It is also negotiating a free trade agreement (FTA) with Israel.
For the corporate sector, it is business as usual. icreate, an Ahmedabad-based centre for entrepreneurship and technology  signed a MoU in 2012 with Technion, an Israeli technology institute believed to have close ties the Israeli military establishment, according to an InCACBI statement.
icreate’s website has details of a recent collaboration with Technion- a programme  was scheduled for May involving the participation of 25 students from Gujarat institutions in a  training programme at Technion in Haifa, Israel.   icreate’s advisory board is headed by Infosys founder Narayana Murthy.
Views from the right 
With the right wing BJP at the helm, Indian civil society is registering the presence of several voices from the right, and making it increasingly acceptable to be pro-Israel. BJP member Subramanian Swamy, for instance, recently gave a call for India-Israel solidarity.  The Zionist ideology, which forms the basis of the Israeli state, and Hindutva – which forms the ideological framework for the BJP are closely aligned.
Interestingly, there are many who do not constitute the political right, or endorse Hindutva, but support Israel on grounds of basic ‘national interest’- since Israel can supply India with arms and technology. This marks a sharp change from the 1980s and early ’90s when solidarity with the Palestinian cause was direct and far more visible.
The Indian government refused to move a resolution on Gaza; its stand being summarised by Sushma Swaraj:
There is absolutely no change in India’s policy towards Palestine, which is that we fully support the Palestinian cause while maintaining good relations with Israel.
Though symbolic solidarity with Palestine may be a recurring notional element in Indian foreign policy, actual support has dwindled over the years. On the other hand, since 1992, when India established formal diplomatic ties with Israel, the ties with the latter have strengthened and encompass a wide range of areas including defence, culture, education, technology and tourism.
Thus changes in India’s foreign policy over the last two decades which have resulted in closer ties with Israel, and civil society’s own tenuousness, has meant less consolidated support for Palestine. Existing pockets of solidarity need to be consolidated, and new ways to resurrect it consciously sought.  In order to do this, we must question the existing culture of protest, which prevents sustained and inclusive mobilization on most issues, and has resulted in the disintegration of many a progressive campaign.
Urvashi Sarkar is a freelance journalist and currently works in the development sector. Views are personal

Thursday, August 28, 2014

माओ वादियों के आत्मसमर्पण पे कांग्रेस ने उठाये सवाल , पुलिस समपर्ण की आड़ में कोई नई पठकथा लिखी जा रही हैं। इस पठकथा का खुलासा होना चाहिए।

माओ वादियों  के आत्मसमर्पण पे कांग्रेस ने उठाये सवाल ,   पुलिस समपर्ण की आड़ में कोई नई  पठकथा  लिखी जा रही हैं।  इस पठकथा का खुलासा  होना चाहिए।  

पिछले दिनों से छत्तीसगढ़  में अचानक माओवादियों के आत्मसमर्पण की कहानिया मीडिया में छप  रही है ,इसकी सत्यता पे कांग्रेस के अध्यक्ष  भूपेश बघेल ने प्रशन उठाये हैं , उन्होंने कहा की पुलिस भोले भाले आदिवासियों को समर्पण करके वाह  वाही लूट रही हैं ,
अभी हल में दो हार्ड कोर माओवादी बता के समर्पण कराया गया ,जब की हकीकत ये है की चेतराम सलाम की पत्नी मञ्जूषा खाना बनाने का काम करती हैं ,बाघेल ने कहा की जिस पुलिस अधिकारी ने समर्पण की बागडोर सम्हाली हैं उसके फर्जी कारनामे सब जानते हैं ,उन्होंने इन आई ये के जाँच के तरीके पे भी सवाल उठाये ,कहा  की इसने अभी तक बस्तर और सुकमा के पुलिस अधिकारियो और इंटेलिजेंस प्रमुख तक से पूछताछ नहीं की ,जिससे संदेह पैदा होता हैं ,एनआईए को हर हालत में पुलिस अधिारियो का नार्को टेस्ट करवाना चाहिये।

बघेल ने कहा की झीरम घाटी के हमले में सरकार और उसके लोग शामिल हैं , ये तभी संभव है जब इसमें पुलिस के लोग शामिल हों  ., ऐसा लगता है की पुलिस समपर्ण की आड़ में कोई नई  पठकथा  लिखी जा रही हैं।  इस पठकथा का खुलासा  होना चाहिए।  

Aik aur BADA LOSS...............

Aik aur BADA LOSS...............
Aap SAB zarur AAIYE.....................!
Dear Friends,
"Two hours and twenty seven minutes long En Dino Muzaffarnagar by Shubhradeep Chakravorty & Meera Chaudhary is going to be recorded in the history as the first documentary film banned under prime minister Modi. Gagging order came on 30th June. Today we applied in Film Certification Appellate Tribunal (FCAT) for redressal of our grievances. We will not go down without a fight. Lets hope for the best…" - Shubhradeep Chakravorty on his facebook page on 30th July 2014.
Shubhradeep bid bye to all of us, as a result of a fatal brain hemorrhage that started its trail on 11th August 2014 and finally took his life at 7am on the 25th August 2014 at Delhi's AIIMS hospital.
Hope in the midst of crisis and courage amidst fear were the hallmark of the political activist, Shubhradeep - the journalist who turned to documentary filmmaking after Gujarat's one-sided communal carnage in 2002. His first documentary, 'Godhra Tak: The Terror Trail', screening at Ahmedabad in 2003 was attacked by the VHP who threatened him to quit film making. This incident only affirmed his resolve to get into full-time documentary film making. All his completed documentaries engaged broadly with the issues of communalism and fascism propagated by the right wing Hindutwa forces. Much before the very acclaimed feature film 'Shahid' hit the theatres, Shubradeep had documented the state involvement in the killing of the defense lawyer Shahid Azmi in terror related cases ('Out of Court Settlement') and his other documentary ('After the Storm') looked into the lives of the innocent Muslim youth who were jailed for years under terror cases, laws and later acquitted.
His life and work actually demonstrated a terrific taste for dissent and clarity about the role of a biased state. He honestly engaged in the journey for humanity's struggle for justice and peace. His associations with various social movements and human rights initiatives brought a different angle to the medium in which issues can be articulated. His presence will be definitely missed.
Shubhradeep and his partner Meera's new film En Dino Muzaffarnagar did not get the Censor Certificate and in the days that led to the fatal brain hemorrhage, Shubhradeep was overworked about the indirect ban by the Modi regime. It is evident from his midnight posts on social media that he was worked up. The state decision to curb his democratic right to dissent, in his case through his films, had definitely affected him very badly. The unfortunate outcome is that they managed to get more than what they thought… They got the film and the Director at one go...
As it stands, 'En Dino Muzaffarnagar', cannot be screened in a public spaces.
As comrades and co-travellers of Shubhradeep, his life and films should be celebrated in the days to come, by actually occupying the spaces which the right wing fascists are grabbing from all of us.
Delhi Solidarity Group is organizing a gathering to remember Shubhradeep. Kindly join us at 3pm on Friday, the 5th September 2014at Indian Social Institute, Lodi Road New Delhi…
Delhi Solidarity Group
Contact - 9958797409, 99115

The Supreme Court of India Judgement on COAL ALLOCATION came today



The Supreme Court of India Judgement on COAL ALLOCATION came today, Aug 25, 2014. The

operative part of the order, vindicates the stand of the petition fought

by Prashant Bhushan:


"154. To sum up, the entire allocation of coal block as per
recommendations made by the Screening Committee from
14.07.1993 in 36 meetings and the allocation through the
Government dispensation route suffers from the vice of arbitrariness
and legal flaws. The Screening Committee has never been
consistent, it has not been transparent, there is no proper
application of mind, it has acted on no material in many cases,
relevant factors have seldom been its guiding factors, there was no
transparency and guidelines have seldom guided it. On many
occasions, guidelines have been honoured more in their breach.
There was no objective criteria, nay, no criteria for evaluation of
comparative merits. The approach had been ad-hoc and casual.
There was no fair and transparent procedure, all resulting in unfair
distribution of the national wealth. Common good and public
interest have, thus, suffered heavily. Hence, the allocation of coal
blocks based on the recommendations made in all the 36 meetings
of the Screening Committee is illegal.
155. The allocation of coal blocks through Government
dispensation route, however laudable the object may be, also is
illegal since it is impermissible as per the scheme of the CMN Act.
No State Government or public sector undertakings of the State
Governments are eligible for mining coal for commercial use. Since
allocation of coal is permissible only to those categories under
Section 3(3) and (4), the joint venture arrangement with ineligible
firms is also impermissible. Equally, there is also no question of any
consortium / leader / association in allocation. Only an undertaking
satisfying the eligibility criteria referred to in Section 3(3) of the CMN
Act, viz., which has a unit engaged in the production of iron and
steel and generation of power, washing of coal obtained from mine
or production of cement, is entitled to the allocation in addition to
Central Government, a Central Government company or a Central
Government corporation.
156. In this context, it is worthwhile to note that the 1957 Act
has been amended introducing Section 11-A w.e.f. 13.02.2012. As
per the said amendment, the grant of reconnaissance permit or
prospecting licence or mining lease in respect of an area containing
coal or lignite can be made only through selection through auction
by competitive bidding even among the eligible entities under
Section 3(3)(a)(iii), referred to above. However, Government
companies, Government corporations or companies or corporations,
which have been awarded power projects on the basis of
competitive bids for tariff (including Ultra Mega Power Projects)
have been exempted of allocation in favour of them is not meant to
be through the competitive bidding process.
157. As we have already found that the allocations made,
both under the Screening Committee route and the Government
dispensation route, are arbitrary and illegal, what should be the
consequences, is the issue which remains to be tackled. We are of
the view that, to this limited extent, the matter requires further
hearing.
158. By way of footnote, it may be clarified and we do, that
no challenge was laid before us in respect of blocks where
competitive bidding was held for the lowest tariff for power for Ultra
Mega Power Projects (UMPPs). As a matter of fact, Mr. Prashant
Bhushan, learned counsel for Common Cause submitted that since
allocation for UMPPs is in accord with the opinion given in Natural
Resources Allocation Reference20 and the benefit of the coal block
is passed on to the public, the said allocations may not be
cancelled. However, he submitted that in some cases the
Government has allowed diversion of coal from UMPP to other end
uses i.e. for commercial exploitation. Having regard to this, it is 163
directed that the coal blocks allocated for UMPP would only be used
for UMPP and no diversion of coal for commercial exploitation would
be permitted."

Abolish Padma awards The award of Bharat Ratna raises serious questions of propriety


Abolish Padma awardsThe award of Bharat Ratna raises serious questions of proprietyRajindar Sachar
Aacrimonious public debate is going on over the names which the Centre may choose for the award of Bharat Ratna. The conferment of civilian awards has no sanction in the Constitution. It was introduced by an executive order in 1954 by the Central Government. The government concept behind it, according to “India 2013” (page 1154), is: “The highest civilian award. It is given for exceptional service towards advancement of Art, Literature and Science and in recognition of public service of the highest order. Since its inception in 1954, 41 persons have been decorated with Bharat Ratna so far.” There are also three categories of Padma awards — Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan and Padma Shri.
Such awards had their critics right from the beginning. That is why many individuals, including Gandhians, eminent journalists, historians and human rights activists, have politely declined to accept the awards as recently as 2007. That is why the assumptions and actuality in giving these awards needs to be debated in a brutally open manner. Bharat Ratna was given to the first Governor General of India C. Raja Gopalachari (1954), S. Radhakrishnan, Pt. Nehru (1955), and Pt. G.B. Pant (1957). It is unfortunate that Pt. Nehru, who was the tallest leader, set a bad precedent as he had to be persuaded to accept Bharat Ratna. He was the Prime Minister. He did not require the award to enhance his stature. In fact, there is credible information that Maulana Azad declined to accept it in 1955 and advised Nehru to do so accordingly. But once Nehru accepted it, politicisation and partisanship of the award became inevitable. So we have a curious example of Maulana Azad (though he was against this institution) being given the award posthumously in 1992; Sardar patel in 1991, while Pt. G.B. Pant had already been given in 1957. Is that not perverting seniority and history? The only way out is to abolish the institution of awards.
But then I suppose politicians suffer from vanity and enjoy giving awards in all spheres; curiously even in sports, when in reality they may not even know what is off-break bowling in cricket or offside in hockey. That is why hockey in which we had wizards like Dhyan Chand, the winner of Olympics who has not been given Bharat Ratna, because the present-day small politicians find more money in IPL Cricket. It is the money angle that determines the supremacy of a game. Is that not the reason why kabaddi, our home-grown game so popular in the North, especially Punjab, has been sidelined? It was rather scoffed at by the Anglicised Indians when Dr. Lohia, the socialist leader, wanted it to be treated as a national game. Now of course it is one of most upcoming events (all because of T.V. IPL presentation and the consequent money making in the bargain).
The award of Bharat Ratna raises serious question of propriety, and exposes the conceit and impudence of small-time politicians to arrogate to themselves the right to recognise the contribution of our national heroes of the past. I firmly believe that any attempt by the pygmies of our generation to pick our heroes and freedom fighters of pre-1947 like Netaji Subas Chandra Bose and Bhagat Singh is shamefully presumptuous. Who do these small politicians think they are — puny individuals strutting in false feathers by purporting to confer the honour on our heroes, when we should instead be bowing our heads to their sacrifices in the fight for freedom. Let their life be an inspiration to all of us.
Let me share with you the courage and bravery of Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru. In 1930 after they had been sentenced to death, efforts were made by some well-wishers to persuade him to sign the application to be sent to the government for the commutation of his sentence to life imprisonment. My father was also in Central Jail, Lahore, where he had been detained as a Satyagrahi. In the evening prisoners were allowed to come out of the cell for some time to walk and exercise in the lawn outside. My father and Bhagat Singh used to have a walk at the same place. After his death sentence, my father told Bhagat Singh: “Many people are requesting you to sign the petition. Don’t you think that if your life is spared, the movement would get a big push?” On this the young man of 23 years said unflinchingly: “No, Sachar Sahab, I feel my sacrifice will bring higher results”. Such was the courage of the young man. We all know the wave of revolutionary ferment which swept the country after his execution. Of course, I was a young kid, but I still remember the electrifying current in the country. And lest anyone should forget — the Congress which was till that time content with asking for Dominion Status, was forced into demanding complete Independence as was insisted by Bhagat Singh when it held its annual conference on the banks of the Ravi at Lahore on January 26, 1930 (Bhagat Singh’s was hanged on March 23, 1930).
One of the suggestions given by an eminent columnist is to give Bharat Ratna to Field Marshall Manekshaw. If awards are to be continued, it is an apt name. But then the journalist in his enthusiasm has made the unfortunate comment that Manekshaw's contribution was greater and more memorable than that of awardee Aruna Asaf Ali……”. I feel that in his enthusiasm the journalist friend has hit his own toe. Probably, he was too young in 1942, when the Quit India movement called by Gandhiji was at its peak. All the Congressmen even at the village level were put in jail. The Quit India movement was led by Socialist leaders, including Jaya Prakash Narayan, Dr. Lohia and Aruna Asaf Ali. In 1942 Aruna Asaf Ali was the face of the underground movement. She bravely travelled throughout the country and inspired youth. Any attempt to underestimate her contribution is unforgivable. But then modern newspapers have a different priority. None of the main newspapers even carried a small report about the importance of 9th August, the Quit India movement day.
In this background the only respectable and dignified course left is to abolish the awards — in a democracy the affection and recognition by the masses is the best tribute to stalwarts in various fields of life.

Wednesday, August 27, 2014

Ghosts who sign - By Deepak Tiwari

Ghosts who sign
By Deepak Tiwari 


Mon Aug 25 16:30:05 GMT 2014 

Singrauli, on the easternmost tip of Madhya Pradesh, is often called the energy capital of India. Currently, three thermal power plants here meet more than 20 per cent of India’s energy requirement, and more than a dozen super thermal power plants are coming up. The plants, including the existing ones, are expected to produce 35,000MW of power in the next few years. Singrauli has large coal deposits and abundant water, and it ranks ninth among 88 industrial areas in the country. But villagers here say that the power projects are depriving them of their livelihood.
Mahan forest in Singrauli is dense with sal, mahua and tendu trees, on which residents of 54 villages here depend for their livelhood. The forest is close to the Sanjay-Dubri Tiger Reserve and is an important wildlife corridor. “They will cut more than five lakh trees and risk the lives of rare species to get coal for their power plants,’’ says Bechan Lal, secretary of Mahan Sangharsh Samiti, which is fighting against the power projects.
The villagers will also lose their homes and land to the projects, some of which are promoted by Reliance, Hindalco, Jaiprakash, DB Power and Essar. In 2009, villagers burnt several trucks and property of the Essar group which was setting up a power plant in Bandhora. Many houses were razed to erect the plant and villagers were evicted after police firing. The agitators also point out that the Central Pollution Control Board has declared Singrauli as one of the most critically polluted areas.
But, how did panchayats clear the projects? Under the new panchayati raj system, it is mandatory for every panchayat to call a gram sabha before taking any major decision. Every resident of a village is a member of the gram sabha and has voting rights. In order to get environmental clearance, the power companies must get a no objection certificate from the displaced villagers. It has been found that the signatures and thumb impressions of villagers have been forged to obtain quick clearance from the government.
Take, for instance, the Essar-Hindalco joint venture in Mahan forest. Two years ago, the government allocated 1,182 hectares for the 1,850MW project costing Rs50,000 million. The project needed environment clearance for digging out coal from the mines, which are located around 14 villages in the Mahan forest area. In one of the villages that accorded the no-objection certificate, the entire gram sabha proceeding was fraudulent. “In the gram sabha held on March 6, 2013, in Amelia village, the district administration, with the support of Essar employees, obtained signatures of 1,125 residents even though it was attended by just 184 people,” says Akshaya Gupta, a social activist. Based on the certificate given by the village, the Union government decided to go ahead with the clearance.
“With such low attendance, the gram sabha could not have cleared the project. So the company and the local administration forged signatures and thumb impressions of villagers who were not present,” says Kripa Yadav of Mahan Sangharsh Samiti, which was formed at the behest of Greenpeace. (NGOs like Greenpeace were recently in the news after the Intelligence Bureau, in a report, said they were working under foreign guidance to stall industrial progress in India.)
When a copy of the Amelia gram sabha resolution was obtained through RTI filed by an activist, it was revealed that 13 of the people who were 'present' at the meeting had died years ago and another person was serving life imprisonment. Apparently, the project had found support among ghosts. One ghost was that of Hansalal Khairwar. “It was all a forged exercise. They did not even spare my dead brother,” says Lalman Singh Khairwar, his younger brother. Villager Ramadheer Saket’s parents died long ago, but as per the gram sabha record, they were present to sign the panchayat register. Same is the case with Karkuliya Yadav, Dasmatia Jaiswal and Ramjit Panika. Shivkumar Saket is serving life imprisonment for murder but his name, too, figures on the list.
 
The gram sabha's permission was necessary because the Union ministry of forest and environment had granted stage I clearance to the Essar-Hindalco project in 2012 with 36 conditions. The main condition was the implementation of Forest Rights Act. The project courted controversy owing to the forged gram sabha certificate. Former Union tribal affairs minister V. Kishore Chandra Deo  wrote a letter to Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan regarding violation of rights in Mahan.
Displacement has become a way of life for Singrauli villagers. In 1952, the villagers were relocated for a hydel project in Rihand dam. They were resettled on the northern edge of the dam. But they were again displaced in 1965, when Northern Coalfields Ltd started mining there. Again in 1980, they were forced to leave when National Thermal Power Corporation started its thermal power project in the area. Badri Prasad, a CPI(M) activist who is fighting for the rights of adivasis, says, “People in villages of Singrauli have paid the price of development several times and continue to suffer from that. Every second corporate wants to set up a power plant and dig coal here.”
Though people migrated to new areas within the district, they had to again move out because of Essar's power plant and later Reliance's ultra mega power plant, he says.
Rihand dam is no longer used for irrigation and hydel power. It is  being used only for cooling water for thermal power generation and as a sink for absorbing hazardous and toxic wastes from the power stations.
Some 250km west of Singrauli, two villages of Katni district¯Bujbuja and Dokaria¯underwent a similar fraud. Here, a private company is planning to set up a thermal power station. The district administration acquired 237.22 hectares in Bujbuja and Dokaria by allegedly faking a gram sabha. “They sat with the voter list and forged signatures of the villagers. They also signed for 21 people who were already dead,” says Durga Patel, former sarpanch of Bujbuja. Ironically, his signature, too, is on the list.
Kamlesh Patel's father died in 1995 but his signature is on the list of supporters. Lachhu Kurmi's father, Dhanpat Kurmi, has been missing since 1992. He had gone to participate in the Ram janmabhoomi movement and never came back. His signature also appears on the list. Two other ghost signatories are Mahadev Kurmi and Brijlal Patel. Their children are now running from pillar to post saying they never agreed to sell the land, which is their only bread and butter.
Twenty farmers from Bujbuja and Dokaria sat on a unique protest in November 2012. They sat on funeral pyres, with kerosene and match sticks. Since their protests have fallen on deaf ears, the villagers have now approached the Jabalpur High Court.

Power centre
NTPC Ltd
Capacity: 500MW 
Status: Planning
Sasan Power Ltd (acquired by Reliance Power)
Capacity: 3,960MWStatus: Complete
Chitrangi Power Pvt Ltd (Subsidiary of Reliance Power)
Capacity: 5,940MW
Status: Implementation
Essar Power Ltd
Capacity: 2,400MW
Status: Implementation
Suryachakra Global Enviro Power Ltd
Capacity: 1,050MW
Status: Planning
Indraprastha Power Corp Ltd
Capacity: 2,000MW
Status: Planning
DB Power Ltd
Capacity: 1,320MW
Status: Implementation
SM Infra Power Pvt Ltd
Capacity: 660MW
Status: Planning

Singrauli

MP Power Generating Co Ltd
Capacity: 1,320MW
Status: Planning
MP Power Generating Co Ltd
Capacity: 1,600MW
Status: Implementation
JK Lakshmi
Capacity: 1,320MW
Status: Planning
NHDC Ltd Capacity: 1,320MW
Status: ??

Khandwa

Welspun Syntex Ltd Capacity: 1,980MW
Status: Planning
KVK Energy and Infrastructure Pvt Ltd
Capacity: 1,320MW
Status: Planning

Katni

Jaiprakash Associates Ltd Capacity: 1,320MW
Status: Implementation
MP State Mining Corp Ltd Capacity: 660MW 
Status: Planning
ACB (India) Ltd
Capacity: 1,200MW
Status: Implementation
Suryachakra Global Enviro Power Ltd
Capacity: 1,320MW
Status: Planning

Source: thermalpower.industry-focus.net